AN ACCOUNT OF SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA
OR RED JACKET AND HIS PEOPLE,
1750-1830.
BY
JOHN N. HUBBARD
DEDICATION
_To the Hon. Henry
G. Hubbard, of
DEAR SIR: Your
name, associated with many pleasant memories in the past,
and in later years
with substantial tokens of esteem, is held in grateful
recollection; and
the hope that these pages may serve to interest an
occasional leisure
hour, has led to their being inscribed to you, by your
friend and
relative.
THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
The "Life and
Times of Red Jacket" by Colonel William L. Stone, has been
before the public
for many years. The industry and ability of the author
have made it a work
of great value, and his extensive researches have left
but little room for
anything new to be said, by one coming after him. Yet
the fact need not
be concealed that many, who were intimately acquainted
with Red Jacket,
were disappointed when they came to read his biography.
If it had been
prepared under the direct influence and superintendence of
Thayendanegea, or
Brant, it could not have reflected more truly the animus
of that
distinguished character. Red Jacket in his day was the subject, at
different times of
much angry feeling, and jealousy. The author has not
taken pains to
embalm it, in these memorials of the great orator of the
Senecas. Much that
was the subject of criticism during his life, admits of
a more charitable
construction, and the grave should become the receptacle
of all human
resentments.
The author
acknowledges his indebtedness to the labors of Col. Stone, and
by an honorable
arrangement, liberty was obtained for the use made of
them, in the
following pages. Acknowledgments are due also to others,
whose names will
appear in the course of this work.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Red Jacket--Name
widely known--Interest connected with his history--His
origin--Development
of his genius--Opinion of Capt. Horatio Jones--Customs
of his
people--Their councils--Love of eloquence--Distinguished names--
Eloquence an art
among them--Peculiarity of their language--Field opened
for his genius.
CHAPTER II.
Glance at the early
history of the Iroquois--Territory they occupied--
Location of the
different tribes--Strength of their Confederacy--
Tuscaroras--Traditions--Probable
course of their migrations--Senecas--
Story of their
origin--Singular romance.
CHAPTER III.
Name Red Jacket,
how acquired--Indian name--Name conferred--Singular
superstition--Red
Jacket during the war of the Revolution--Neutrality of
the Indians
proposed--Services sought by
Johnson--Red
Jacket's position--Taunt of cowardice--Testimony of Little
Beard--Charge made
by Brant--Red Jacket's indifference--Anecdote--Early
love of
eloquence--Interesting reminiscences.
CHAPTER IV.
Early
struggles--Red Jacket's opportunity for trial--Council at Fort
Stanwix--Office of
Sachem--His opposition to the treaty--Excitement
produced by his
speech--Part taken by Cornplanter--His influence in
deciding the
treaty--How it affected him.
CHAPTER V.
Manner of
adjustment--Attempt to acquire by a lease--Attempt defeated--
Lands acquired by
destitution--Indications
of trouble--Design of severing western
from the rest of
the state--How defeated--Phelps and Gorham purchase.
CHAPTER VI.
department in
Council at Tioga
Point--Indian ceremonies--Visit of Cornplanter and others
at the seat of
government--Fresh occasion of trouble.
CHAPTER VII.
Expedition under
General Harmar--Its failure--High expectations of the
Indians--Colonel
Proctor visits the Indians at
speech--Indian
deputation refused--Interference of the matrons--Council at
Painted
Post--Chiefs invited to
CHAPTER VIII.
Expedition to the
Indian country under General St. Clair--
charge--Approach to
Indian villages--Sudden surprise--Disastrous battle--
Indian
victory--Retreat of American force to
the
Indians--Friendly Indian deputation--Welcome of the governor of
CHAPTER IX.
Indian
appropriation--Deputation to the west promised--Instructions--
Silver medal given
to Red Jacket by the president--Military suits--
Glaize--Another
Indian council--Delegation--British control--
letter--Army under
General Wayne--Successful campaign--Treaty concluded.
CHAPTER X.
Canandaigua at an
early day--Facts in the early settlement of
Indian council--Its
object--Indian parade--Indian dress--Opening of the
council--Speeches--Liberal
offers of the government--Mr. Savary's journal
--Conclusion of
treaty--Account of Red Jacket by Thomas Morris.
CHAPTER XI.
Valley of the
their land--Council
at Big Tree--Coming of the Wadsworths--Indian
villages--Refusal
to sell--Discussion between Red Jacket and Thomas
Morris--Breaking up
of the council.
CHAPTER XII.
Interview between
Farmer's Brother and Thomas Morris--Mr. Morris addresses
the
women--Distributes presents--Negotiations continued--Treaty concluded
with the women and
warriors--Manner of payment--Inquiries about a bank--
Their
reservations--White women--Young King's dissent--Final settlement--
Charge of
insincerity.
CHAPTER XIII.
Council at
Canawangus--Interesting reminiscence of Red Jacket--Address of
Farmer's
Brother--Jasper Parish--Horatio Jones--Red Jacket's visit at
CHAPTER XIV.
Cornplanter in
disrepute--Effort to regain his standing--Red Jacket
charged with
witchcraft--His defense--Further notice of Cornplanter--Early
recollections--With
the Indians who defeated Gen. Braddock in 1755--With
the English in the
war of the Revolution--Takes his father a prisoner--His
address--Release of
his father--Address to the governor of
Visit of President
Alden--Close of his life.
CHAPTER XV.
Change in Red
Jacket's views--Causes producing it--Unfavorable to any
change in the
habits of his people--Opposes the introduction of
Christianity among
them--Visit of a missionary--Missionary's speech--Red
Jacket's
reply--Unpleasant termination of the council.
CHAPTER XVI.
Tecumseh and Indian
confederation--Aid given by Elskawata--Doings at the
Prophet's
town--Great Indian council at the West--Red Jacket's claim for
precedence to be
given the Senecas--His adherence to the
Hostilities
encouraged by British agents--Warriors gathered at the
Prophet's
town--Visited by General Harrison at the head of his troops--
Hostilities
disclaimed--Surprised by a sudden attack--Indians defeated--
War proclaimed
against
commencement--Different
successes--Part taken by Red Jacket.
CHAPTER XVII.
Taking of
General Porter's
account of the campaign--Red Jacket commended--Withdrawal
of Indian
forces--Other successes--Conclusion of peace.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Pre-emptive right
to the Indian reservations, sold to the Ogden Company--
Council to obtain
an extinguishment of the Indian title--Red Jacket's
reply to Mr.
Ogden's speech--Indians refuse to sell--Another council
called--Account
given by Hon. Albert Tracy--Various utterances of the
orator on that
occasion--Indians appeal to the governments of the United
States and
CHAPTER XIX.
Witchcraft--Case of
Tom. Jemmy--Testimony of Red Jacket--Red Jacket's
philippic--Finding
of the court--Remarkable interview of Dr. Breckenridge
with Red
Jacket--Further expression of views.
CHAPTER XX.
Personal
characteristics--Interview with General Lafayette--Visit of a
French
nobleman--Col. Pickering reproved--Address on launching a schooner
bearing his
name--Anecdote of Red Jacket and Capt. Jones--His humor--
Strong memory--Its
cultivation--Contempt for pretension without merit--
Love of the
sublime--Portraits--Acute perception--Refined sense of
propriety--First
bridge at
his people.
CHAPTER XXI.
Views at the close
of life--Incident--His lifework--Unfavorable influences
--Advance of
Christian party--Conversion of Red Jacket's wife--Leaves her
--His return--Red
Jacket deposed--Journey to
Rapid
decline--Regards his end as near--Talks with the people--Endeavors
to unite
them--Sickness and death.
PLATES.
Portrait of Red
Jacket
Portrait of King
Hendrick
View of Johnson
Hall
Portrait of Sir
John Johnson
Portrait of Barry
St. Leger
Portrait of Joseph
Brant
Facsimile of
View of
View of Red
Jacket's House
CHAPTER I.
Name widely
known--Interest naturally awakened in his history--His origin
--Development of
his genius--Opinion of Capt. Horatio Jones--Customs of
his people--Their
love of eloquence--Distinguished orators among them--The
inviting field
opened.
Among the
aborigines of this country, few names have excited a deeper
interest, or have
been more widely and familiarly known than that of RED
JACKET. The
occasion of this notoriety was the rare fact that, though a
rude and unlettered
son of the forest, he was distinguished for the arts
and accomplishments
of the orator. His life marks an era in the history of
his nation and his
name like that of Demosthenes, is forever associated
with eloquence.
Other circumstances
however, impart interest to his history. His was the
last great name of a
nation, and he is entitled to remembrance, on the
soil which was once
the home of his fathers. And though linked with a
melancholy
association, as connected with the waning history of a people
that once laid a
claim to greatness, but are now fast passing into
obscurity, it is
not on this account the less attractive, but presents
another reason for
our regard.
Such was the name
of SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA, or, as he has more commonly been
called, Red Jacket.
Having risen, by the force of his eloquence, from an
obscure station to
the highest rank among his people, he became
conspicuous in all
of those great transactions, in which they gradually
relinquished a
title to their old hunting grounds, and gave place to the
intrusive white
man. And he lived to see his nation pass from the pride of
their ancient
dominion, to so humble an inheritance, that his last days
were embittered
with the thought, that the _red men_ were destined to
become extinct.
With him has ceased the glory of their council fire, and
of their name.
His origin, as we
have intimated, was obscure. He must be introduced, as
he has come down to
us, without rank or pedigree. His pedigree nature
acknowledged, and
gave him a right to become great among her sons. His
birth is a matter
of fact, its time and place, circumstances of
conjecture. Some
affirm that he was born at the
the foot of
American tribes by
Thos. L. McKenney.]
Another tradition
awards the honor of his birth to a place at, or near
Canoga, on the
banks of the
Who were his
parents? and what, his early history? As the wave casts upon
the shore some
treasured fragment, and then recedes to mingle with its
parent waters, so
their names, and much of his early history have been
lost in the
oblivion of the past.
So likewise it is
uncertain, as to the time when the wonderful powers of
his genius began to
be developed, or as to the steps by which he arrived
at the high
distinction of orator among his people.
Whether by dint of
study he gained the requisite discipline of mind, and
acquired that
elegance of diction for which he was distinguished; whether
by repeated trial
and failure, accompanied by a proud ambition, and an
unyielding purpose,
he reached, like Demosthenes, the summit of his
aspirations; or,
assisted more by nature than by art, emerged, like
Patrick Henry at
once, into the grand arena of mind, and by a single
effort attained
distinction and fame, is to be gathered more from
circumstances than
from facts.
It is generally
conceded, however, that the powers of his intellect were
of the highest
order. Captain Horatio Jones, the well known interpreter
and agent among the
Indians, and than whom no one was more intimately
acquainted with
this orator of the Seneca nation, was accustomed to speak
of him as the
greatest man that ever lived. "For," said he, "the great men
of our own and of
other times, have become so by education; but RED JACKET
WAS AS NATURE MADE
HIM. Had he enjoyed their advantages, he would have
surpassed them,
since it can hardly be supposed that they, without these,
would have equalled
him." [Footnote: Conversation of the author with
Wm. Jones, of
Geneseo, Livingston Co., N. Y., son of Capt. Horatio Jones.]
Some allowance
should be made for this statement, perhaps, on the ground
that Mr. Jones was
a warm admirer of the orator's genius; yet his
admiration sprang
from an intimate knowledge of him, seen under
circumstances, that
afforded the best opportunity of forming a just
opinion of his
talents; and these, he maintained, "_were among the noblest
that nature ever
conferred upon man_."
But genius, while
it may have smoothed the way, may not have spared him
the pains, by which
ordinary minds ascend to greatness. For since it is so
universally the
fact, that the path to eminence, is rugged and steep, and
the gifts of fame
seldom bestowed but in answer to repeated toil;
curiosity would
inquire by what means one, who was reputed a barbarian,
gained the highest
distinction ever awarded to civilized man. It is not
enough to reply
simply, "_that nature made him so_," or to receive,
without
qualification, his own proud assertion, "I AM AN ORATOR, I WAS
BORN AN
ORATOR." The laws of mind are the same for peasants, and princes
in intellect; great
minds as well as small, must take measures to compass
their object, or
leave it unattained.
It does not appear
that his genius was sudden, or precocious in its
development. It is
said that his mind, naturally active and brilliant,
gradually opened,
until it reached its meridian splendor. Nor did his
powers grow without
any means to mature and perfect them. As the young oak
is strengthened by
warring with the storm, so the faculties of his mind
gained force by
entering freely into conflicts of opinion. Accustomed to
canvass in private
the questions which agitated the councils of his
nation, he began to
ascertain the reality of his own power, and by
measuring his own
with other minds, he gained the confidence that flows
from superior
wisdom. [Footnote: Conversation with Col. Wm. Jones.]
The tastes and regulations
of his own people favored very much, the
promptings of his
genius. They were lovers of eloquence, and their form of
government fostered
its cultivation. This though differing but little from
the simplicity
found in rude states of society, presented a feature
peculiar among a
people not far advanced in civilization, which served
greatly to promote
elevation of mind, and advance them far above a
condition of
barbarism. They were in the habit of meeting in public
assemblies, to
discuss those questions that pertained to the interests, or
destiny of their
nation. Around their council fires their chiefs and
warriors gathered,
and entered freely, so far as their dignity,
consideration, or
power of debate admitted, into a deliberation on public
affairs. And here
were manifested an ability and decorum which civilized
nations even, have
viewed with admiration and surprise. For though we
might suppose their
eloquence must have partaken of rant and rhapsody,
presenting a mass
of incoherent ideas, depending for their interest on the
animation of
gesture and voice, with which they were uttered, yet we would
do injustice to
their memory, if we did not give their orators the credit
of speaking as much
to the purpose, and of exhibiting as great a force of
intellect, as many
who would claim a higher place than they in the scale
of intelligence and
refinement.
Many of their
orators were distinguished for strength of mind, and in
native power of
genius, might compare favorably, with the men of any age
or clime. The names
of Garangula, Adario, Hendrick, Skenandoah, Logan and
others, might be
mentioned with pride by any people.
[Illustration: KING
HENDRICK]
GARANGULA, has been
styled the very Nestor of his nation, whose powers of
mind would not
suffer in comparison with a Roman, or more modern Senator.
[Footnote: Drake.]
ADARIO is said to
have been a man of "great mind, the bravest of the
brave," and
possessing altogether the best qualities of any Indian known
to the French in
It has been
remarked of HENDRICK, that for capacity, bravery, vigor of
mind, and immovable
integrity united, he excelled all the aboriginal
inhabitants of the
the present time.
[Footnote: Dr. Dwight.]
SKENANDOAH in his
youth was a brave and intrepid warrior, and in his riper
years one of the
best of counsellors among the North American tribes. He
possessed a most
vigorous mind, and was alike active, sagacious, and
persevering. He
will long be remembered for a saying of his to one who
visited him toward
the close of life; "I am," said he, "an aged hemlock,
the winds of an
hundred winters have whistled through my branches. I am
dead at the top.
The generation to which I belonged has run away and left
me." He was a
sincere believer in the Christian religion, and added to the
above "why I
live the Great and Good Spirit only knows. Pray to my Jesus,
that I may have
patience to wait for my appointed time to die." [Footnote:
Annals of
And Mr. Jefferson
regarded the appeal of
extirpation of his
family, as without a parallel in the history of
eloquence.
These were men who
have been revered by the civilized world, as worthy of
a place with the
distinguished and great among mankind.
"Oratory was
not alone a natural gift, but an art among the Iroquois. It
enjoined painful
study, unremitting practice, and sedulous observation of
the style, and
methods of the best masters. Red Jacket did not rely upon
his native powers
alone, but cultivated the art with the same assiduity
that characterized
the great Athenian orator. The Iroquois, as their
earliest English
historian observed, cultivated an Attic or classic
elegance of speech,
which entranced every ear, among their red auditory."
[Footnote: Mr.
Bryant's speech.]
Those public games,
entertainments, religious ceremonies and dances,
common among the
Indian tribes, added interest to their council
gatherings, and
made them a scene of attraction for the entire nation.
Thither the young
and old of both sexes were accustomed to resort, and,
assembled at their
national forum, listened with profound attention and
silence to each
word spoken by their orators. "The unvarying courtesy,
sobriety and
dignity of their convocations led one of their learned Jesuit
historians to liken
them to the Roman Senate." [Footnote: W. C. Bryant's
speech before the
Buffalo Historical Society on the occasion of the re-
interment of Red
Jacket's remains.]
"Their
language was flexible and sonorous, the sense largely depending
upon inflection,
copious in vowel sounds, abounding in metaphor; affording
constant
opportunity for the ingenious combination and construction of
words to image
delicate, and varying shades of thought, and to express
vehement
manifestations of passion; admitting of greater and more sudden
variations in
pitch, than is permissable in English oratory, and
encouraging
pantomimic gesture, for greater force and effect. In other
words it was not a
cold, artificial, mechanical medium for the expression
of thought or
emotion, or the concealment of either, but was constructed,
as we may fancy,
much as was the tuneful tongue spoken by our first
parents, who stood
in even closer relations to nature." [Footnote: Ib.]
Hence, though the
Iroquois were a warlike people, and delighted in deeds
of bravery, there
was an inviting field opened to one, who could chain
their attention by
his eloquence, and sway their emotions at will.
Such advantages
being presented for the exercise of the powers of oratory,
it can hardly be
supposed that a mind endowed as richly, as was Red
Jacket's, by the
gifts of nature, would fail to perceive the path in which
lay the true road
to eminence among his people. And his subsequent career
indicates but too
clearly, the choice he made of the field in which to
exercise his noble
powers.
CHAPTER II.
Glance at the early
history of the Iroquois--The territory occupied--
Tuscaroras--Original
strength--Traditions--Probable course of migration--
The Senecas--Story
of their origin--Singular romance.
Rising up from the
obscurity of the past, we find a people, singular in
their habits and
character, whose history has been strangely, and in some
respects sadly
interwoven with our own. They were the original occupants
of the soil,
claiming to have lived here always, and to have grown out of
the soil like the
trees of the forest. Scattered over this continent were
various Indian tribes,
resembling each other in their general features and
habits, but in some
instances exhibiting stronger and more interesting
traits of character
than the others. Among these were the Iroquois, and if
Red Jacket was
distinguished among his own people, his own people were not
less conspicuous
among the North American Indians.
He sprang from the
Senecas, and was accustomed to speak of his origin with
feelings of
conscious pride. For the Senecas were the most numerous and
powerful of the six
nations, of whom they were a part. Such was the title
given to that
celebrated Indian confederacy which, for a length of time
unknown to us,
inhabited the territory embraced by the State of
Here they lived in
a line of settlements extending from one end to the
other, through the
middle of the State, and their domain as thus occupied,
they were
accustomed to style their _Long House_. It was a shadowy
dome, of generous
amplitude, covered by the azure expanse above, garnished
with hills, lakes,
and laughing streams, and well stored with provisions,
in the elk and deer
that bounded freely through its forest halls, the
moose that was
mirrored in its waters, and the trout, those luscious
speckled beauties,
that nestled cosily in its crystal chambers.
The eastern door
was guarded by the Mohawks, who resided at one, and its
western by the
Senecas, who dwelt at the other extremity of this abode.
When ever a
messenger from another nation came to them on business, or
knocked, as it was
termed, at the eastern or western door of their _long
house_, it was the
duty of the nation to which he came, to give him
entertainment, and
examine into the nature of his embassy. If it was of
small importance,
it was decided by their own council; but if it was such
as to demand the
united wisdom of the tribes, a runner was sent with a
belt of wampum to
the nearest nation, which would take the belt and send a
runner with it to
the next, and so on, and thus with but little delay, a
general meeting was
summoned of all the tribes.
This confederacy at
one time consisted of five nations, but afterward
embraced six, by
the addition of the Tuscaroras, a tribe that once
occupied the
This tribe is said
to have belonged at an early day to the Iroquois
family, and to have
inherited the enterprising and warlike character of
the parent stock.
They fought successfully with the Catawbas, Cowetas, and
the Cherokees, and
thought to exterminate by one decisive blow, all of the
white inhabitants
within their borders. Unsuccessful in the attempt,
pressed sorely by
the whites, who resisted the attack, and unwilling
themselves to
submit, they removed to the north, and through sympathy,
similarity of
taste, manners, or language, or from the stronger motives of
consanguinity,
became incorporated with the confederated tribes of the
Iroquois.
[Footnote: Schoolcraft's Report. Mr. Schoolcraft prefers, and
quite justly the
name Iroquois, as descriptive of this confederacy,
instead of Six
Nations, since the term is well known, and applicable to
them in every part
of their history. Whereas the other is appropriate only
during the time
when they were numerically six.]
Thus constituted
they presented the most formidable power, of which we
have any knowledge
in the annals of the Indian race. By their united
strength they were
able to repel invasion, from any of the surrounding
nations, and by the
force of their arms and their prowess in war, gained
control over an
extent of territory much greater than they occupied.
They sent their war
parties in every direction. The tribes north, east,
south, and west of
them were made to feel the power of their arms, and
yield successively
to their dexterity and valor. Now they were launching
their war-canoes
upon the lakes and rivers of the west, now engaged in
bloody conflicts
with the Catawbas and Cherokees of the south, now
traversing regions
of snow in pursuit of the Algonquins of the north, and
anon spreading
consternation and dread among the tribes at the remotest
east. Their energy
and warlike prowess made them a terror to their foes,
and distant nations
pronounced their name with awe.
By what means these
several tribes had been brought to unite themselves
under one
government, how long they had existed in this relation, and what
was the origin of
each one, or of all, are questions which will never
perhaps be fully
determined. There being no written records among them,
all that can be
ascertained of their history previous to their becoming
known to the
whites, must be gathered from the dim light of tradition,
from their symbolic
representations, from antique remains of their art,
and from their
legends and myths. These present in an obscure and shadowy
form, a few
materials of history, whose value is to be measured by the
consideration, that
they are all we have to tell the story of a noble and
interesting race of
men.
Their traditions
speak of the creation of the world, the formation of man,
and the destruction
of the world by a deluge. They suppose the existence
originally of two
worlds, an upper and lower. The upper completed and
filled with an
intelligent order of beings, the lower unformed and
chaotic, whose
surface was covered with water, in which huge monsters
careered,
uncontrolled and wild. From the upper there descended to the
lower a creating
spirit, in the form of a beautiful woman. She alighted on
the back of a huge
tortoise, gave birth to a pair of male twins and
expired. Thereupon
the shell of the tortoise began to enlarge, and grew
until it became a
"_big island_" and formed this continent.
These two infant
sons became, one the author of _good_, the other of
_evil_. The creator
of _good_ formed whatever was praiseworthy and useful.
From the head of
his deceased mother he made the sun, from the remaining
parts of her body,
the moon and stars. When these were created the water-
monsters were
terrified by the light, and fled and hid themselves in the
depths of the
ocean. He diversified the earth by making rivers, seas
and plains, covered
it with animals, and filled it with productions
beneficial to
mankind. He then formed man and woman, put life into them,
and called them
Ong-we Hon-we _a real people_. [Footnote: This term is
significant of true
manhood. It implies that there was nothing of sham in
their make up.]
The creator of
_evil_ was active in making mountains, precipices,
waterfalls,
reptiles, morasses, apes, and whatever was injurious to, or in
mockery of mankind.
He put the works of the _good_ out of order, hid
his animals in the
earth, and destroyed things necessary for the
sustenance of man.
His conduct so awakened the displeasure of the _good_,
as to bring them
into personal conflict. Their time of combat, and arms
were chosen, one
selecting flag-roots, the other the horns of a deer. Two
whole days they
were engaged in unearthly combat; but finally the _Maker
of Good_, who had
chosen the horns of a deer, prevailed, and retired to
the world above.
The _Maker of Evil_ sank below to a region of darkness,
and became the
_Evil Spirit_, or Kluneolux of the world of despair.
[Footnote:
Schoolcraft's Indian Cosmogony.]
Many of their
accounts appear to be purely fabulous, but not more so
perhaps than similar
traditions, to be found in the history of almost
every nation.
The Iroquois refer
their origin to a point near
affirm that their
people were here taken from a subterranean vault, by the
Divine Being, and
conducted eastward along the river Ye-no-na-nat-che,
_going around a
mountain_, now the Mohawk, until they came to where it
discharges into a
great river running toward the mid-day sun, the
and went down this
river and touched the bank of a _great water_, while
the main body
returned by the way they came, and as they proceeded
westward,
originated the different tribes composing their nation; and to
each tribe was
assigned the territory they occupied, when first discovered
by the whites.
[Footnote: Account by David Cusick, as contained in
Schoolcraft's
report. Mr. S. regards this account correct as indicating
the probable course
of their migrations.]
The Senecas, the
fifth tribe of the Iroquois, were directed in their
original location,
to occupy a hill near the head of Canandaigua lake.
This hill, called
Ge-nun-de-wa, is venerated as the birth place of their
nation. It was
surrounded anciently by a rude fortification which formed
their dwelling in
time of peace, and served for a shelter from any sudden
attack of a hostile
tribe. Tradition hallows this spot on account of the
following very
remarkable occurrence.
Far back in the
past, the inhabitants of the hill Genundewa, were
surprised on
awaking one morning, to behold themselves surrounded by an
immense serpent.
His dimensions were so vast as to enable him to coil
himself completely
around the fort. His head and tail came together at its
gate. There he lay
writhing and hissing, presenting a most menacing and
hideous aspect. His
jaws were widely extended, and he hissed so terribly
no one ventured to
approach near.
The inhabitants
were thus effectually blockaded. Some endeavored, but in
vain, to kill this
savage monster. Others tried to escape, but his
watchful eyes prevented
their endeavors. Others again sought to climb over
his body, but were
unable; while others still attempted to pass by his
head, but fell into
his extended jaws. Their confinement grew every day
more and more
painful, and was rendered doubly annoying by the serpent's
breath, which was
very offensive.
Their situation
drove them at length to an extremity not to be endured.
They armed
themselves with hatchets, and clubs, and whatever implements of
war they could
find, and made a vigorous sally upon their dreadful foe,
but, alas! were all
engulfed in his terrific jaws.
It so happened that
two orphan children remained, after the destruction
which befell the
rest. They were directed by an oracle to make a bow of a
certain kind of
willow, and an arrow of the same, the point of which they
were to dip in
poison, and then shoot the monster, aiming so as to hit him
under his scales.
In doing this, they
encountered their adversary with entire success. For
no sooner had the
arrow penetrated his skin, than he presently began to
grow sick,
exhibiting signs of the deepest distress. He threw himself into
every imaginable
shape, and with wonderful contortions and agonizing
pains, rolled his
ponderous body down along the declivity of the mountain,
uttering horrid
noises as he went, prostrating trees in his course, and
falling finally
into the lake below.
Here he slaked his
thirst, and showed signs of great distress, by dashing
about furiously in
the water. Soon he vomited up the heads of those whom
he had swallowed,
and immediately after expired and sank to rise no more.
[Footnote: As
related to the author by Col. Wm. Jones.]
From these two
children, as thus preserved, the Seneca nation are said to
have sprung.
So implicitly has
this tradition been received by the Senecas, that it has
been incorporated
into the solemnities of their worship, and its
remembrance
continued from one generation to another by the aid of
religious rites.
Here they were formerly in the habit of assembling in
council, and here
their prayers and thanksgivings were offered to the
Great Spirit, for
having given them birth, and for rescuing their nation
from entire
destruction.
In speaking of this
to the whites, they point to the barren hillside, as
evincing the truth
of the story, affirming that one day the forest trees
stood thick upon
it, but was stripped of them by the great serpent as he
rolled down its
declivity. The round stones found there in great
abundance,
resembling in size and shape the human head, are taken as
additional proof,
for they affirm that these are the heads disgorged by
the serpent, and
have been petrified by the waters of the lake. [Footnote:
The author
remembers well that in conversation with a Seneca Indian on
this point, he
seemed to take it as quite an affront that doubts should be
expressed by the
white people as to the reality of this occurrence.]
If nearness of
locality will justify a glance of the eye for a moment, to
an object not
directly in the line of our pursuit, we might survey in
passing a bold
projecting height, not far from the hill Genundewa, marked
by a legend which
draws a tear from the eye of the dusky warrior, or sends
him away in a
thoughtful mood, with a shade of sadness upon his usually
placid brow. The
story is not of the same character and is of a more
recent date than
that of the serpent, but is said to be of great
antiquity. It has
been written with great beauty by Col. Stone, and as we
are authorized, we
present it in his own language.
"During the wars
of the Senecas and Algonquins of the north, a chief of
the latter was
captured and carried to Genundewa, whereon a fortification,
consisting of a
square without bastions, and surrounded by palisades, was
situated. The
captive though young in years, was famed for his prowess in
the forest
conflict, and nature had been bountiful to his person in those
gifts of strength
and symmetry, which awaken savage admiration. After a
short debate he was
condemned to die on the following day, by the slow
torture of empalement.
While he was thus lying in the cabin of death, a
lodge devoted to
condemned prisoners, the daughter of the sachem brought
him food, and
struck with his manly form and heroic bearing, resolved to
save him or share
his fate. Her bold enterprise was favored by the
uncertain light of
the gray dawn, while the solitary sentinel, weary of
his night-watch,
and forgetful of his duty, was slumbering. Stealing with
noiseless tread to
the side of the young captive, she cut the thongs
wherewith his limbs
were bound, and besought him in breathless accents to
follow her.
"The fugitives
descended the hill by a wooded path conducting to the lake;
but ere they
reached the water, an alarm whoop, wild and shrill, was heard
issuing from the
waking guard. They tarried not, though thorny vines and
fallen timber
obstructed their way. At length they reached the smooth
beach, and leaping
into a canoe previously provided by the considerate
damsel, they plied
the paddle vigorously, steering for the opposite shore.
Vain were their
efforts. On the wind came cries of rage, and the quick
tramp of savage
warriors, bounding over rock and glen in fierce pursuit.
The Algonquin with
the reckless daring of a young brave, sent back a yell
of defiance, and
soon after the splash of oars was heard, and a dozen war
canoes were cutting
the billows in their rear. The unfortunate lovers on
landing, took a
trail leading in a western direction over the hills. The
Algonquin, weakened
by unhealed wounds, followed his active guide up the
aclivity, with
panting heart and flagging pace; while his enemies, with
the grim old sachem
at their head, drew nearer and nearer. At length
finding further
attempts at flight useless, she diverged from the trail,
and conducted her
lover to a table-crested rock that projected over a
ravine or gulf, one
hundred and fifty feet in depth, the bottom of which
was strewed with
misshapen rocks, scattered in rude confusion. With hearts
nerved to a high
resolve, the hapless pair awaited the arrival of their
yelling pursuers.
Conspicuous by his eagle plume, towering form and
scowling brow, the
daughter soon descried her inexorable sire, leaping
from crag to crag
below her. He paused abruptly when his fiery eye rested
on the objects of
his pursuit. Notching an arrow on the string of his
tried and unerring
bow, he raised his sinewy arms--but ere the missile was
sent, Wun-nut-hay,
_the Beautiful_, interposed her form between her father
and his victim. In
wild appealing tones she entreated her sire to spare
the young
chieftain, assuring him that they would leap together from the
precipice rather
than be separated. The stern old man, deaf to her
supplication, and
disregarding her menace, ordered his followers to seize
the fugitive.
Warrior after warrior darted up the rock, but on reaching
the platform, at
the moment when they were grasping to clutch the young
brave, the lovers,
locked in fond embrace, flung themselves
'From the steep rock, and perished.'
"The mangled
bodies were buried in the bottom of the glen, beneath the
shade of
everlasting rocks; and two small hollows, resembling sunken
graves, are to this
day pointed out to the curious traveler, as the burial
place of the
lovers." It is a sweet, wild haunt, the sunbeams fall there
with softened
radiance, and a brook near by gives out a complaining
murmur, as if
mourning for the dead. [Footnote: Mr. Stone adds in a note--
"This
interesting legend was derived many years ago from a Seneca chief of
some note, named
Chequered Cap, and was communicated to me by W. H. C.
Hosmer, Esq., of
Avon. On the top of Genundewa the remains of an Indian
orchard are
visible, a few moss-grown and wind-bowed apple trees still
linger, sad, but
fitting emblems of the wasted race by whom they were
planted."]
Let us return to
the inquiry we were pursuing. Of the origin of the
Iroquois
confederacy, some traditionary accounts have been given, which
represent the
different tribes as dwelling for a time, in the separate
locations assigned
them, independent of each other. Here they increased in
valor, skill and
knowledge, suited to their forest home. At length
becoming numerous,
rival interests arose among them, which did not exist
when they were
small and feeble. They fell into contention, and wasted and
destroyed each
other. Each tribe fortified his own position, and dwelt in
constant fear of
being surprised and overcome by his neighboring foe.
At length one of
their sachems, distinguished for his wisdom and address,
proposed that they
should cease from a strife, which was only destroying
themselves, and
unite their energies against the Alleghans, the
Adirondacks, the
Eries, and other ancient and warlike tribes, who were
their superiors in
their isolated and divided condition. Already weary of
their unprofitable
conflicts, the proposal was received with favor, and
Ato-tar-ho, an
Onandaga chieftain, unequalled in valor, and the fame of
whose skill and
daring was known among all the tribes, became the leading
spirit of this confederacy,
and by common consent was placed at its head.
So fully did
experience demonstrate the wisdom of this arrangement, that
they used every
means to strengthen the bands of their union, and by the
most solemn
engagements of fidelity to each other, they became the Ko-nos-
hi-o-ni, or United
people. [Footnote: Schoolcraft's Report.]
How long this
confederacy had existed before their discovery by the
whites, is unknown.
There is a tradition which places it one age, or the
length of a man's
life, before the white people came to this country.
[Footnote: Pyrlaus,
a missionary at the ancient site of Dionderoga, or
Fort Hunter,
writing between 1742 and 1748, gives this as the best
conjecture he could
form, from information derived from the Mohawks. It is
thought however
that this time is too short, to account for the degree of
development
attained by the Iroquois, in their united capacity, at the
time of their first
discovery by the whites.]
The union of these
several tribes was the means of securing their pre-
eminence over the
other Indians in this country. Their individual traits
are thus very
fittingly represented;--"in their firm physical type, and in
their energy of
character, and love of independence, no people among the
aboriginal race
have ever exceeded, if any has equalled the Iroquois."
[Footnote:
Schoolcraft.] They occupied a region surpassed by no other on
the continent, for
grandeur and beauty united, and inherited from this or
some other source,
a mental constitution of noble structure, which placed
them in the
fore-front of their race, and when united, no tribe on this
continent could
stand before them. This has served to render their
history, a matter
of earnest and interesting inquiry.
CHAPTER III
Name Red Jacket,
how acquired--Indian name--Conferred name--Singular
tradition--Red
Jacket during the war of the Revolution--Neutrality of the
Indians--Services
sought by Great Britain--Sketch of Sir William Johnson--
Position of Red
Jacket--Taunt of cowardice--Testimony of Little Beard--
Charge made by
Brant--Red Jacket's indifference--Anecdote--Early love of
eloquence--Interesting
reminiscences.
The name Red
Jacket, so familiar to the whites, was acquired during the
war of the
Revolution. He was distinguished at this time as well as
afterward, for his
fleetness on foot, his intelligence and activity.
Having attracted
the attention of a British officer by the vivacity of his
manners, and the
speedy execution of those errands with which he was
intrusted, he
received either in token of admiration, or for services
rendered, or both,
a beautifully ornamented jacket of a scarlet color.
This he took pride
in wearing, and when worn out, he was presented with
another, and
continued to wear this peculiar dress until it became a mark
of distinction, and
gave him the name by which he was afterward best
known. At a treaty
held at Canandaigua in 1794, Captain Parrish, who was
for many years
agent of the United States for the Indians, presented him
with another _red
jacket_ to perpetuate a name of which he was
particularly fond.
[Footnote: McKenney's Indian Biography Politely favored
by Alfred B.
Street, Esq., and assistant Mr. J. H. Hickox, of the State
Library, Albany, N.
Y.]
His original name
was Oti-ti-ani, _always ready_. Sa-go-ye-wat-ha, the
title conferred
upon him at his election to the dignity of Sachem, has
been rendered,
"_The keeper awake, he keeps them awake, and the author, or
cause of a wakeful
spirit_." [Footnote: This latter translation was
given to the author
by the late Wm. Jones, a half-blood, son-in-law of Red
Jacket and a chief
of some note. This interpretation was given to some
gentlemen from
Buffalo who proposed to erect a monument at Red Jacket's
grave. It was given
in a full council of the chiefs of his tribe.]
The name is connected
with a curious superstition among his people, and
will best be
understood, by an acquaintance with the circumstances under
which it is used.
If during the still
hours of night, an Indian's mind is taken up with
thoughts that cause
sleep to pass from him, preventing every effort of
Morpheus to lock
him in fond embrace, he ascribes it to a spirit, which he
calls
Sa-go-ye-wat-ha.
The impressions
made are regarded as ominous of some important event,
joyful or otherwise,
according to the feelings awakened. If his thoughts
are of a pleasing
nature, he is led to anticipate the occurrence of some
joyful event. If
they are of a melancholy turn, he regards it as
foreboding evil.
He may be led to
dwell with interest on some absent friend; that friend he
will expect to see
the next day, or soon after. Yet should his thoughts be
troubled or
anxious, he would expect to hear soon of that friend's death,
or that something
evil had befallen him. [Footnote: Conversation with Wm.
Jones, Seneca
chief.]
Such was the spirit
they called Sa-go-ye-wat-ha. He could arrest the
current of their
thought, bring before them visions of delight, or send
upon them
melancholy reflections, and fill their minds with anxiety and
gloom.
This title conferred
on Red Jacket, while it indicated the cause of his
elevation,
presented the highest compliment that could be paid to his
powers of oratory.
By the magic spell of his words, he could control their
minds, make their
hearts beat quick with emotions of joy, or send over
them at will the
deep pulsations of grief.
The incident
referred to as giving rise to the name, Red Jacket,
introduces him in
connection with the war of the Revolution. As his
conduct during this
period has been the subject of frequent remark,
severely criticised
by some, and not very favorably viewed by others,
justice to the
orator's memory requires a brief statement of his reasons
for the course he
pursued.
While thoughts of
this contest were pending, the colonists took measures
to secure the
favorable disposition of the Iroquois, and these efforts at
the time were
successful.
The general
government advised them to remain neutral, during the
anticipated
conflict. This course met the approval of their most
considerate
sachems. For though inured to war, and apt to enter with
avidity into the
excitement of a conflict, their forces had been reduced
by recent
encounters with the Indians at the west, and south, and also
with the French;
and the few intervening years of peace served to convince
them of its value,
and caused them to receive with favor this proposition
from our
government.
At a council held
with the Iroquois at German Flats, in June, 1776, by
Gen. Schuyler, who
had been appointed for this purpose, these assurances
of neutrality were
renewed.
Great Britain also
was not indifferent about the course these Indian
tribes would
pursue. Wishing to prevent an alliance of the Indians with
the colonists,
willing to secure forces already on the ground, and with a
view possibly, of
striking terror into the minds of her rebellious
subjects, her
agents in this country spared no pains to enlist the
sympathies of the
Iroquois on her side.
In this they were
but too successful. Through their agents, Britain had
been in
correspondence with these tribes for more than a hundred years,
had supplied them
with implements of war, articles of clothing, and with
many of the
comforts and conveniences of life. The Indians had learned to
be dependent upon
her, and they called her king their "_great father_
over the
water." Her agents spent their lives among them. Through them
their
communications were made to the crown, and they regarded them as
essential to their
happiness. Hence they exerted a very great influence
over them.
This was especially
true of Sir William Johnson, who died at Johnson Hall
in the month of
June, 1774.
Mr. Johnson was a
native of Ireland, of a good family and fitted by nature
and education, to
adorn the walks of civilized life. He came to this
country not far
from 1738, as land agent of his uncle, Sir Peter Warren,
an admiral in the
English navy, who had acquired a considerable tract of
land upon the
Mohawk, in the present county of Montgomery.
Possessing a
romantic disposition, he readily adapted himself to the rude
customs that
prevailed in the wilds of America.
The _Gentleman's
Magazine_ of London said of him in 1755,--"Besides
his skill and
experience as an officer, he is particularly happy in making
himself beloved by
all sorts of people, and can conform to all companies
and to all
conversations. He is very much of a gentleman in genteel
company, but as the
inhabitants next to him are mostly Dutch, he sits down
with them and
smokes his tobacco, drinks flip, and talks of improvements,
bear and beaver
skins. Being surrounded with Indians, he speaks several of
their languages
well, and has always some of them with him. He takes care
of their wives, and
old Indians, when they go out on parties; and even
wears their dress.
In short, by his honest dealings with them in trade,
and his courage,
which has often been successfully tried with them, he has
so endeared himself
to them, that they chose him as one of their chief
sachems, or
princes, and esteem him as their father."
Not far from the
year 1755, while the French and English were at war, he
was made general of
the colonial militia, and by virtue of a leadership
that had been
created by the Iroquois, he was head warrior of all the
Indian tribes, who
favored the English.
[Illustration:
JOHNSON HALL]
The gifts of his
sovereign, and the opportunity he had of purchasing
Indian lands, were
the means of his securing great wealth. The ease with
which he secured
land of the Indians is illustrated by an amusing
occurrence between
him and a noted chief, Hendrick. Soon after entering
upon his duties as
Superintendent of Indian Affairs in this country, he
received from
England some richly embroidered suits of clothes.
Hendrick, a Mohawk
chief, was present, when the package containing them
was opened, and
could not refrain from expressing his admiration of them.
He went away very
thoughtful, but soon after returned and said to Sir
William, that he
had dreamed a dream.
"Ah! And what
did you dream?" said Sir William.
"I
dreamed," said Hendrick, "that you gave me one of those new suits of
uniform."
Sir William could
not refuse it, and one of the elegant suits was
presented to
Hendrick, who went away to show his gift to his countrymen
and left Sir
William to tell the joke to his friends. A while after the
general met
Hendrick and said--"Hendrick, _I have dreamed a dream_."
Whether the Sachem
mistrusted he was now to be taken in his own net or
not, is not
certain, but he also inquired,--"And what did you dream?"
The general said he
dreamed that Hendrick presented him with a certain
piece of land which
he described. It consisted of about five hundred
acres, of the most
valuable land in the Mohawk valley.
Hendrick replied,--"It
is yours;" but, shaking his head, said, "Sir
William I will
never dream with you again." [Footnote: Drake's Book of the
Indians.]
Sir William's large
estate, the partiality of his countrymen, together
with his military
honors, and his great influence with the Indians,
rendered him
"as near a prince as anything the back-woods of America has
witnessed."
[Footnote: The expression of an English lady.--Turner.]
He built two
spacious and convenient residences on the Mohawk river, known
as Johnson Castle
and Johnson Hall. The Hall was his summer residence.
Here he lived
something like a sovereign, kept an excellent table for
strangers and
officers, whom the course of duty led into these wilds, and
by confiding
entirely in the Indians, and treating them with truth and
justice, never
yielding to solicitations once refused, they were taught to
repose in him the
utmost confidence.
His personal
popularity with the Indians, gave him an influence over them
greater it is
supposed, than any one of our own race has ever possessed.
He was the first
Englishman that contended successfully with French Indian
diplomacy, as
exercised by their governors, missionaries and traders.
[Footnote: Turner's
Phelps and Gorham Purchase.]
Had he lived until
the war of the Revolution, it is supposed by some he
might have remained
neutral, and have kept the Indians from engaging in
the conflict,
though this is altogether uncertain. He lived to see the
gathering of the
storm that swept away most of his great possessions.
On the death of Sir
William, his son John Johnson succeeded to his titles
and estate. The
office of General Superintendent of the Indians, fell into
the hands of Col.
Guy Johnson, a son-in-law, who appointed Col. Claus,
another son-in-law,
as his deputy.
Into their hands
fell the property, and a large share of the influence
over the Indians,
possessed by Sir William Johnson. This influence was
exerted in favor of
Great Britain.
When the Indians
heard of the uprising in Boston, and of the battle of
Lexington, they
were told, that these out-breaks were the acts of
disobedient
children, against the great king, who had been kind to them,
as he had to the
Six Nations. That their "_great father over the water_,"
was rich in money
and men; that the colonists were poor, and their numbers
small, and that
they could easily be brought into subjection.
At a council of the
Iroquois convened at Oswego, by Sir John Johnson and
other officers and
friends of the crown, they were informed that the king
desired them to
assist him in subduing the rebels, who had taken up arms
against him, and
were about to rob him of a part of his great possessions.
But the chiefs one
by one assured the British agents that they had the
year before, in a
council with General Schuyler, pledged themselves to
neutrality, and
could not without violating their promise, take up the
hatchet.
But they were
assured that the rebels justly merited all the punishment
that white men and
Indians could inflict;--that they would be richly
rewarded for their
services, and _that the king's rum was as plenty as
the waters of Lake
Ontario_.
This appeal to
their appetites, already vitiated, together with the
promise of large
rewards, at length prevailed; and a treaty was concluded,
in which the
Indians pledged themselves to take up arms against the
rebels, and
continue in service during the war. They were then presented
each with a suit of
clothes, a brass kettle, a gun, a tomahawk, a scalping
knife, a quantity
of powder and lead, and a piece of gold. [Footnote: Life
of Mary Jemison.]
The Senecas were
among those who consented to join the royal standard. Of
this action Red
Jacket did not approve. He declared plainly and
unhesitatingly to
those who had determined to engage in the war,--"_This
quarrel does not
belong to us,--and it is test for us to take no part in
it; we need not
waste our blood to have it settled. If they fight us, we
will fight them,
but if they let us alone, we had better keep still_."
[Footnote: Testimony
given to the author by Wm. Jones, Seneca chief, and
confirmed by Col.
Wm. Jones, son of the Indian interpreter, who affirms
that prominent
Indian chiefs had declared in his hearing that these were
the sentiments of
Red Jacket at this time.]
Red Jacket at this
time was not far from twenty-six years old. His
forensic abilities
had not been called forth, and his influence weighed
but little in
comparison with that of older men. But it may be observed
that his conduct
ever after this, will be found consistent with the
sentiments he
entertained, and was free to express. Though young, his
perceptions were
keen, he had a deep and penetrating mind and saw at a
glance that in this
contest his people were doomed to suffer, to be ground
between the upper
and nether mill stone.
When, in the summer
of 1777, his people received an invitation to join the
forces that were
preparing to march under the command of Col. St. Leger
upon Fort Stanwix,
being assured that they would not be required to endure
the fatigues and
dangers of the battle, but might "sit down quietly and
smoke their pipes,
and see the sport;" Red Jacket endeavored, but in vain,
to prevent his
people from going. He said to them, "_it's a cheat; the
design is to
deceive you, and if you go you will find that you have been
deluded_."
They threw back the
taunt,--"_You are a coward, you have the mind of a
woman, and are not
fit to go to war_."
Red Jacket though
not at this time a chief, was a young man of
acknowledged talent
and influence, and having a right to express his
opinion, did not
hesitate to give it in favor of peace. His opinion was
well known among
his people. Little Beard has frequently been seen to bury
his face in his
blanket, and give vent to his tears, in view of the havoc
made among the
Senecas by the war, at the same time declaring,--"_Red
Jacket was opposed
to the war_, HE WAS ALWAYS IN FAVOR OF PEACE, _and how
much better it had
been, had we listened to his advice_." [Footnote:
Conversation of the
author with Col. Jones.]
[Illustration:
BARRY ST. LEGER]
Red Jacket's
prediction was too nearly verified. The Senecas suffered most
severely in that
campaign. They fell under the command of Thay-en-dan-e-
gea or Brant, who
went with a company of Tories, led by Col. Butler, to
intercept General
Herkimer, who was reported as coming to the relief of
the garrison. At a
certain point on the way, where they expected the
general would pass,
they formed an ambuscade, and though they selected
their ground with
wisdom, and acquitted themselves with great bravery,
they were unable to
stand before the invincible courage of the heroes of
Oriskany.
The Senecas claim
to have lost in that engagement thirty-three of their
chiefs, and their
feelings in view of it are said to have been sad in the
extreme. [Footnote:
"The mourning was excessive, and was expressed by the
most doleful yells,
shrieks and howlings and by inimitable
gesticulations."--Mrs.
Jemison's Narrative.]
The charge of
cowardice applied by the young warriors to Red Jacket, upon
their first
starting out on this campaign, was one frequently made during
the war. His views
were at different times expressed in opposition to it,
and his arguments
as often repelled by the young braves, who could not
endure his
invectives. The reply was easily made, and hence in more
frequent demand,
than if it had imposed a greater tax upon their
intellects. The
epithet has often been applied to him since, and though
his tastes did not
lead him to seek the fame of a warrior, still it is
believed he was not
so devoid of courage, as has sometimes been
represented.
His views of the
war, were not those of a partisan, hence his conduct was
often censured by
those who had entered heartily into the contest.
Brant has charged
him with being the occasion of trouble to him, in his
efforts to arrest
the march of Sullivan, and his army, into the Indian
country.
Particularly at Newtown, where considerable preparations had been
made for defense.
Says Col. Stone,--"Sa-go-ye-wat-ha was then twenty-nine
years old, and
though it does not appear that he had yet been created a
chief, he
nevertheless seems to have been already a man of influence. He
was in the practice
of holding private consultations with the young
warriors, and some
of the younger and less resolute chiefs, for the
purpose of
fomenting discontents, and persuading them to sue for what
Brant considered,
ignominious terms of peace.
"On one
occasion as Brant has alleged, Red Jacket had so far succeeded in
his treachery, as
to induce some of the disaffected chiefs to send a
runner into
Sullivan's camp, to make known dissensions he himself had
awakened, and
invite a flag of truce, _with propositions of peace to the
Indians_."
Though charged with
acting criminally, it is here expressly asserted,
_that it was to
obtain peace_. Peace he most earnestly desired for his
people, who were
doomed to be wasted in a contest not their own.
Nor, in view of his
feelings respecting the war, is it surprising he
should have
incurred the displeasure of Cornplanter, while endeavoring to
bring his
countrymen to make a stand against a portion of the invading
army, on the beach
of Canandaigua lake, where was an Indian village of
some size. Not
finding in Red Jacket an ardor for the undertaking which
corresponded in any
degree with his own, he turned to the young wife of
the orator and
exclaimed,--"_Leave that man, he is a coward; your children
will disgrace you,
they will all be cowards_." [Footnote: Col. Wm. Jones.]
The epithet thus
applied occasioned uneasiness to none less than to the
orator himself.
Whenever he chose to notice it, he would make a good
return for what he
had received.--In a war of words, he was on his own
chosen ground. He
was a match for their greatest champion, and in cross-
firing, it could
easily be seen that his missiles were directed by one who
was perfect master
of the art. He could handle at will the most cutting
sarcasm, and while
maintaining a good natured, playful mood, deal his
blows with such
power and effect, as to make the victim of his irony
resort to some
other means of defense, than the tongue. It is said that
frequently by his
cool, good natured railery, he has caused the victim of
his sport to turn
upon and strike him. He would answer it by a hearty
laugh, unless the
blow was of such a nature as to demand of him a
different
reception. [Footnote: Wm. Jones, Seneca chief.] He seemed to be
armed at every
point, as with a coat of mail, against the arrows of his
assailants. Their
most powerful weapons would be turned aside by his
presence of mind,
and matchless skill, and leave him apparently unharmed.
A circumstance
illustrating this point, once occurred between him and
Little Billy, a
chief of some note among the Senecas, who was frequently
in the orator's
company. This chief, with Red Jacket and one or two
others, were once
passing from their settlement on Canandaigua lake, to
the old Seneca
Castle, near the foot of Seneca lake. On their way they
encountered a large
grizzly bear. Little Billy and the others in the
company, were
frightened and began to run. Red Jacket who was
distinguished as a
hunter, and an excellent marksman, drew up his rifle,
and brought the
monster to the ground.
It so happened, on
one occasion sometime afterward, that Little Billy was
very pertinacious
in calling Red Jacket a coward. The orator did not
appear to notice
him at first; but finding that he persisted in the
charge, he turned
to him and coolly and sarcastically said,--"_Well, if I
am coward I never
run unless it's for something bigger than a bear_."
[Footnote:
Conversation with Seneca chief, Wm. Jones.]
It is hardly
necessary to add, that nothing more was heard from Little
Billy concerning
his cowardice on that day.
This charge of
cowardice was owing in a great degree to the orator's
position. He was
not on the popular side. The majority of his people were
against him. Had he
acted in accordance with their wishes, it is a
question whether
anything would ever have been said about his deficiency
in courage. And
this supposition is strengthened by the fact, that at a
subsequent period
in his history, a little display of courage, when acting
in accordance with
the wishes of his people, gained for him a marked
degree of
approbation, and gave rise to the affirmation, "_the stain fixed
upon his character,
was thus wiped away by his good conduct in the
field_."
[Footnote: McKenney's Indian Biography.]
In opposing the
wishes of his people, when bent on a war of which he did
not approve, he
gained the epithet of _coward_. With less intelligence,
and less moral
courage, he might have seconded the views of his nation,
and been ranked a
brave.
Hence, though we do
not claim for Red Jacket the possession of qualities,
adapted to make him
conspicuous as a military chieftain, we are disposed
to attribute to him
the higher courage of acting in accordance with his
own convictions of
propriety and duty. "He was born an orator, and while
morally brave,
lacked the stolid insensibility to suffering and slaughter,
which characterized
the war-captains of his nation." [Footnote: Bryant's
address.]
We readily concede
that Red Jacket was fitted by nature to excel in
councils of peace,
rather than in enterprises of war; to gain victories in
a conflict of mind
with mind rather than in physical strife, on the field
of battle.
And it may be
questioned whether the qualities adapted to the highest
achievements of
oratory, would be congenial to the rough encounters of
war. Especially
when the mind is already preoccupied with inward
thirstings after
the glory of the rostrum; it will not be apt to sigh for
the camp, or the
noise and tinsel of mere military fame.
It is related of
him that when a boy, he was present at a great council
held on the
Shenandoah. Many nations were there represented by their wise
men and orators.
The greatest among them was Logan, who had removed from
the territory of
his tribe to Shamokin. He was the son of Shikellemus, a
celebrated chief of
the Cayuga nation, who, before the Revolution was a
warm friend of the
whites.
On the occasion
referred to, Red Jacket was so charmed with Logan's style,
and manner of
delivery, that he resolved to attain if possible the same
high standard of
eloquence; though he almost despaired of equalling his
distinguished
model.
On his return to
Cunadesaga, near the Seneca lake, which was at that time
his home, he
sometimes incurred the displeasure and reproof of his mother,
by long absence
from her cabin, without any ostensible cause. When hard
pressed for an
answer, he informed his mother, that "_he had been playing
Logan_."
"Thus in his
mighty soul the fire of a generous emulation had been
kindled, not to go
out until his oratorical fame threw a refulgent glory
on the declining fortunes
of the once formidable Iroquois. In the deep and
silent forest he
practiced elocution, or to use his own expressive
language, _played
Logan_, until he caught the manner and tone of his great
master.
Unconsciously the forest orator, was an imitator of the eloquent
Greek, who tuned
his voice on the wild sea beach, to the thunders of the
surge, and caught
from nature's altar his loftiest inspiration.
"Not without
previous preparation, and the severest discipline, did Red
Jacket acquire his
power of moving and melting his hearers. His graceful
attitudes,
significant gestures, perfect intonation, and impressive
pauses, when the
lifted finger, and flashing eye told more than utterance,
were the result of
sleepless toil; while his high acquirement was the
product of stern
habitual thought, study of man, and keen observation."
"He did not
trust to the occasion alone for his finest periods, and
noblest metaphors.
In the armory of his capacious intellect the weapons of
forensic warfare
had been previously polished and stored away. Ever ready
for the unfaltering
tongue was the cutting rebuke, or apt illustration. By
labor, persevering
labor, he achieved his renown. By exercising his
faculties in
playing Logan when a boy, one of the highest standards of
mortal eloquence,
either in ancient or modern times, he has left a lesson
to all ambitious
aspirants, that there is no royal road to greatness; that
the desired goal is
only to be gained by scaling rugged cliffs, and
treading painful
paths." [Footnote: This statement, together with the
remarks that
follow, is presented almost entire, from a reminiscence of
Red Jacket, given
by Mr. Turner in his Pioneer History of the Phelps and
Gorham Purchase, a
work that has rescued from oblivion, many interesting
and valuable historical
recollections.]
The habit thus
acquired in the orator's youth, became characteristic of
him, at a later
period of his life. Previous to his making any great
forensic effort, he
could be seen walking in the woods alone, apparently
in deep study. [Footnote:
Col. Wm. Jones.]
CHAPTER IV.
Early
struggles--Red Jacket's opportunity for trial--Council at Fort
Stanwix--Red
Jacket's office of Sachem--Red Jacket's opposition to the
proposed
treaty--Excitement created by his speech--Allayed by Cornplanter
--His influence in
deciding the treaty--How it affected him.
How long and
toilsome the way, ere the ambitious aspirant passes from the
low grounds of
obscurity, to the dazzling heights of fame! How many hours
of anxious toil,
through wearisome days and nights, protracted through
months and years,
are passed, before the arena even is entered, where the
race commences in
earnest! How many struggling emotions between hope and
fear, encouragement
and doubt, promise and despair, mark the experience,
and clothe it with
the sublimity and interest that belong to action in its
highest forms!
Did this child of
nature cherishing the bright dream from early life,
never suffer from
these contending emotions, ere he awoke finally to the
consciousness of
the reality, where he could exclaim, I am an orator, yes,
I AM AN ORATOR!
This idea Red
Jacket began now to cherish. He had practiced in his native
wilds, the forest
depths had echoed back those strains of eloquence, that
had struggled for
utterance in his impassioned bosom, and their force
being expended
here, served but to awaken a still stronger desire to try
his powers, where
he could have the answering sympathy of human hearts.
His fame and greatness
were yet to be achieved. With the inward
consciousness of
strength that would secure for him the eminence he
desired, he awaited
eagerly the opportunity for its exercise. This
opportunity came.
When the storm of
war had rolled by, the hour came for deliberation, and
council. England
and America had concluded peace, and the jurisdiction of
the country of the
Iroquois had been surrendered to the United States.
Still no provision
had been made by the crown for those tribes that had
freely fought in
her defence. They were left to make their own peace, or
prosecute the war
on their own account. Their attitude was yet hostile. No
expedition of
importance was undertaken, but the border men were
constantly annoyed
by Indians, who drove away their horses and cattle, and
committed other
acts of depredation. And the inhabitants of the frontier
had suffered so
severely from the Indian tribes during the war, that these
acts served to
awaken still deeper feelings of hostility toward them, and
led some openly to
recommend that the Indians be driven from their lands,
and that these be
forfeited to the State.
These councils were
strenuously resisted by the general government. The
humane and
considerate Washington thought it wiser to try and conciliate
them, and if
possible win their confidence and esteem, claiming that their
lands, when needed,
could be obtained at a cheaper rate by negotiation and
purchase, than by
war and conquest.
This course, the
excellence of which experience has fully demonstrated,
was finally
adopted, and in pursuance of this design, a general council of
the Iroquois was
convened at Fort Stanwix, in the fall of 1784. It was
attended by Oliver
Wolcott, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee, who were
appointed
commissioners on the part of the United States. The different
tribes of the
Iroquois were represented, and Red Jacket was present, and
took an active part
in its deliberations. He had now been elected to the
office of Sachem;
at what time precisely, is not known, but probably not
far from the close
of the war of the Revolution.
The manner in which
he gained this office has been ascribed by some to
artifice as well as
the force of his eloquence. Col. Stone says, that
"aspiring to
the rank of chief, he not only wrought upon the minds of his
people, by the
exertion of that faculty which was ever with them a high
standard of merit,
but he succeeded in availing himself of the
superstitious
constitution of his race, to effect his purpose. His first
essay was to dream
that he was, or should be a chief, and that the Great
Spirit was angry
that his nation had not advanced him to that dignity.
This dream, with
the necessary variations, he repeated until, fortunately
for him, the small
pox broke out among the Senecas. He then proclaimed the
loathsome
infliction a judgment sent by the Great Spirit, to punish them
for their
ingratitude to him. The consequence ultimately was, that by
administering
flattery to some, working upon the superstitious fears of
others, and by
awakening the admiration of all by his eloquence, he
reached the goal of
his ambition." [Footnote: Col. Stone's Life and Times
of Thayendanegea
and Life and Times of Red Jacket. This statement has been
denied by some, who
affirm that his eloquence was the sole cause of his
elevation. If this
representation came from Brant, it may be recollected
that between Red
Jacket and Brant there did not exist a very strong
attachment, and
statements made by one concerning the other, would not be
likely to bear the
coloring of a very warm friendship.]
However this may
have been, it is certain this course was not necessary to
establish Red
Jacket's position among his people. The circumstances of
their history
created a necessity for his transcendent abilities, and the
light of his
genius, though it may have been obscured for a time, must
eventually have
shone forth, in its original beauty and splendor.
Red Jacket was now
called upon to assist in the deliberations of his
people, and from
this time to the day of his death, we find him connected
with, and bearing
an important part in all of their public transactions.
The council at Fort
Stanwix was the first occasion in which he appeared
before the public.
It was a meeting of no small moment. With an anxious
heart the Indian
left his home and wended his way, through his native
forests, to the
place where he was to meet in council, the chiefs of the
thirteen fires. His
own tribes had been wasted, by a long and bloody war.
The nation they had
so long clung to, and by whose artifice they had been
led to engage in
the strife, stood confessedly vanquished. A new power had
arisen in the land,
what bearing would it have on their future fortunes?
With the importance
of this gathering none were more deeply impressed than
Red Jacket.--Yonder
he stands, alone;--his knit brow, and searching glance
indicate a process
of thought, which stirs deeply the emotions of the
inner man.--Tread
lightly, lest you disturb the silent evolutions of that
airy battalion,
that is wheeling into rank and file, thoughts that
discharged in
words, reach the mark and do execution.--Now he wears a look
of indignation,
which presently turns to one of proud defiance, as he
contemplates the
encroaching disposition of the white race.--Now you may
detect an air of
scorn, and his eye flashes fire, as he regards them at
first a feeble
colony, which might easily have been crushed by the strong
arm of the
Iroquois.--A feeling of deep concern directly overspreads his
features, as he
thinks of their advancing power, and of the prospect of
their surpassing
even the glory of his own ancestry.--A still deeper shade
steals over him as
he thinks of the waning fortunes of his people.--
Presently his
countenance is lighted up;--his feelings are all aglow,--a
bright thought, has
entered his mind.--He conceives the idea of the union
of the entire race
of red men, to resist the encroachments of the whites.
--Are they not yet
strong? And united, would they not yet be, a
formidable power?
With anxious and
matured thoughts, Red Jacket comes to this council
gathering. Its
bearing on his nation and race, he deeply scans, and
treasures up those
burning thoughts, with which he is to electrify, and
set on fire the
bosoms of his countrymen.
Of the proceedings
of this council, little is known aside from the bare
treaty itself. By
this treaty perpetual peace and amity were agreed upon
between the United
States, and the Iroquois, and the latter ceded to the
United States, all
their lands lying west of a line commencing at the
mouth of a creek
four miles east of Niagara, at a place on Lake Ontario
called Johnson's
Landing; thence south, in a direction always four miles
east of the
portage, or carrying-path, between Lakes Erie and Ontario, to
the mouth of
Buffalo creek, on Lake Erie; thence due south to the north
boundary of the
state of Pennsylvania; thence west to the end of said
boundary; thence
south along the west boundary of the state of
Pennsylvania to the
Ohio river.
In consideration of
this surrender to the United States of their claim to
western lands, the
Iroquois were to be secure in the peaceful possession
of the lands they
inhabited in the state of New York.
This treaty Red
Jacket strenuously resisted. He regarded the proposed
cession of lands as
exorbitant and unjust, and summoned all the resources
of his eloquence to
defend his position. The course of his argument and
the various means
he took to enforce it, we have no means of adequately
presenting. A few
hints respecting it, and the testimony of those present
as to the effect
produced, is all we have to guide us in forming any
estimate of its
merits.
After giving a
vivid representation of the encroachments already made upon
them by the whites,
and of the advances they were making in numbers and
power, as well as
extent of territory, he reminded his hearers of the
ancient glory of
the Iroquois, and contrasted it with their present wasted
and feeble
condition. They had been passing through a mighty convulsion,
the hurricane had
swept over their dwellings, their homes were laid waste,
their country made
desolate.
He directed them to
the extensive dominion they had exercised. Their
empire was wide, on
the north, and east, and south, and west, there were
none to stay their
hand, or limit their power. A broad continent was open
to them on every
side, and their seats were large. But now they were met
by a people to whom
they had surrendered a large portion of their lands,
and "they are
driving us on toward the setting sun. They would shut us in,
they would close up
the path to our brethren at the west. We demand an
open way."
They had no right,
he affirmed, to part with their western lands. Their
laws, their ancient
usages forbade it. They ought never to decide a
question so
momentous as this, without giving all the parties a hearing,
who have any
interest in its decision. They should be present and join in
their
deliberations. Their brethren at the west had a right to be
consulted in this
matter.--It would be unworthy of the name, and exalted
fame of the
Iroquois, to decide the question without reference to them.--
It was a question
that affected deeply the interests of the entire race of
red men on this
continent. He declared finally that rather than yield to
the exorbitant
demands of the treaty, they should take up their arms, and
prosecute the war
on their own account.
Such is the scanty
outline of a speech that made a wonderful impression on
the minds of all
his people who were present. During the progress of his
speech, their
emotions were wrought up to a pitch, that seemed to betoken
a rising storm, and
at times it seemed as though it needed but a spark to
set on fire a flame
that was ready to burst out with consuming force.
Those present, who
did not understand the language of the orator, were
deeply interested
in his voice, his manner of elocution, and his perfect
and inimitable
action. They caught fire from his eye, and felt the
inspiration, which
was kindled in the minds of all who listened to him
understandingly.
When he sat down his work was accomplished. There was but
one heart among his
people. From this time on, he was the peerless orator
of his nation.
A very interesting
sketch of Red Jacket as an orator, refers, for the
existence of the
facts which form the basis of its statements, to a treaty
held at Canandaigua
in 1794. It has been copied by Drake, and published in
almost every sketch
of the orator's life. Mr. Stone questions its
truthfulness on the
ground that there is no notice of it in any notes of
this council taken
at the time, and because also there was evidently an
absence of the
peculiar circumstances, which the speech referred to, seems
to demand. Still he
introduces it under the supposition that if delivered
there at all, it
might have been during the excitement produced among the
Indians, by the
rejection from the council, by Col. Pickering, of one
Johnson, a
messenger from Brant, who had been invited to be present at
that council. Yet
this is by no means probable, as Red Jacket would have
been far from
rising into eloquence on an occasion, which from his known
relations to the
proud Mohawk, he would naturally view with satisfaction,
instead of
resentment. The more probable supposition is, that the writer
caught up this as a
traditionary statement, which, owing to the lapse of
time and the
uncertainty of memory, had been changed in one or two of its
items, and
receiving it as correct, penned it in good faith, as having
transpired at that
treaty. It is a correct presentation of some of the
points in the
orator's speech on this occasion, and is as follows:
[Footnote: Mr.
Stone justly supposes this speech might have been made at
the treaty of Fort
Stanwix in 1784.]
"... The
witnesses of the scene will never forget the powers of native
oratory. Two days
had passed away in negotiation with the Indians for a
cession of their
lands. The contract was supposed to be nearly completed,
when Red Jacket
arose. With the grace and dignity of a Roman Senator, he
drew his blanket
around him, and with a piercing eye surveyed the
multitude. All was
hushed. Nothing interposed to break the silence, but
the rustling of the
leaves. After a long and solemn, but not unmeaning
pause, he commenced
in a low voice, and sententious style. Rising
gradually with the
subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and
happiness of his
nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the
usurpations of
white men, with such a bold and faithful pencil, that every
auditor was soon
roused to vengeance, or melted to tears. The effect was
inexpressible. But
ere the emotions of admiration and sympathy had
subsided, the white
men became alarmed. They were in the heart of an
Indian country,
surrounded by ten times their number, who were inflamed by
a remembrance of
their injuries, and excited to indignation by the
eloquence of a
favorite chief. Appalled and terrified, the white men cast
a cheerless gaze on
the hordes around them. A nod from the chiefs might be
the onset of
destruction. At this portentious moment, Farmer's Brother
interposed. He
replied not to his brother chief, but with a sagacity truly
aboriginal, he
caused the cessation of the council, introduced good cheer,
commended the
eloquence of Red Jacket, and before the meeting had
reassembled, with
the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had moderated the
fury of his nation
to a more salutary view of the question before them."
The commissioners
replied, but without making much headway on account of
the agitation and
excitement, produced by the orator's speech; that by the
common usages of
war they might lay claim to a much larger extent of
territory; that
their demand was characterized by great moderation, and
insisted on their
yielding to the terms proposed.
There was little
disposition among them to yield the point, yet the treaty
was finally brought
to a successful issue, by the influence of
Cornplanter.
Cornplanter was a
noble specimen of the Indian race. He had all the
sagacity for which
his people were distinguished, and was equally active,
eloquent and brave.
He was well qualified by his talents to engage in the
legislative
councils of his nation, and was unsurpassed by any, for
prowess and daring
in the bloody field of strife. No chief, Thayendanegea
not excepted, had
gained higher laurels for personal valor, and none
commanded more
fully the confidence and esteem of his nation. His people
looked up to him as
a tower of strength, and when he spake, his words fell
upon them with the
weight of great authority. Better acquainted than his
junior associate
with the details of war, and understanding likewise the
wasted and feeble
condition of his people, and having learned in the late
conflict something
of the power of the enemy they would have to encounter,
he regarded the
idea of their resistance as wholly impracticable, and
advised a
compliance with the terms of the treaty. Though he regretted the
loss of any more
territory, he wisely concluded it was better to lose a
part, than to be
deprived of all. And by throwing his influence decidedly
in favor, he
succeeded finally in quieting the minds of his people, and in
persuading them to
accede to the proposals made.
It is a matter of
regret that so few traces are left, of Red Jacket's
speech on this
occasion. Yet had his speech been reported, we might have
been as much at a
loss as at present, to derive from it a just estimation
of his talents. His
speeches as reported are tame when compared with the
effect produced.
The Indian was an
unwritten language. The most distinguished orators of
the Iroquois
confederacy, matured their thoughts in solitude without the
aid of the pen, and
when uttered in the hearing of the people, they passed
forever into
oblivion, only as a striking passage may hare been retained
in memory. And with
them the want of a written language was thus in a
measure
compensated. They made an increased effort to treasure up their
thoughts. Yet how
much must necessarily have been lost! and how liable to
waste away, that
which remained.
Trusting to them
how imperfect must have been a reported speech! And
relying on those
who transferred their speeches to a different language,
we have little
assurance of any thing better than mutilated transcripts of
the original. Need
we be surprised then, to find in Red Jacket's published
speeches, a
tameness unworthy of his fame? Red Jacket was esteemed by the
men of his time as
an orator, surpassingly eloquent.
In his speeches as
reported, this does not appear. Hence, his reported
speeches fail to do
him justice, or the men of his time very much
overrated his
talents.
Taking the latter
horn of the dilemma we impeach the judgment and good
sense of those who
have gone before us. Assuming the former, we present an
admitted and
proclaimed fact. His contemporaries, while they conceded to
him the highest
attributes and accomplishments of eloquence, unite in
affirming that his
reported speeches come far short of the original.
_Captain Horatio
Jones_, a favorite interpreter, has frequently
declared,--"_it
is impossible to do Red Jacket justice_." The peculiar
shade given to the
idea, its beauty in its own native idiom, was often
entirely lost in
the transfer. In much the same way, Captain Jasper
Parrish, of
Canandaigua, has frequently been heard to speak, when
referring to the
forensic efforts of the orator.
And besides, those
passages that were most deeply fraught with eloquence,
were often lost
entirely, from the fact that the way having been prepared
by a recital of
those details that are reported, the reporter himself has
been carried away
by the very flood that surrounded, uplifted, and carried
away the mass of those
who heard him speak. So that the only note that
would be made, of a
passage of considerable length, is given in one or two
short sentences.
[Footnote: Conversation of the author with Col. Wm.
Jones.]
By the generality
of the Iroquois, the terms of the treaty at Fort Stanwix
were regarded as
severe; and though the services of the renowned
Cornplanter were
engaged by the commissioners, in an effort to persuade
the disaffected
into a reconciliation with it, the attempt was but
partially
successful, and was made at the expense of his own high standing
among his people.
They were not easily reconciled, and were so much
displeased with his
conduct on this, and one or two subsequent occasions,
that they even threatened
his life. A circumstance he touchingly refers to
in a speech
addressed to General Washington.
"Father,"
said he, "we will not conceal from you that the great God and
not man, has
preserved Cornplanter, from the hands of his own nation. For
they ask
continually--where is the land which our children, and their
children after them
are to lie down upon? When the Sun goes down he opens
his heart before
God, and earlier than the sun appears upon the hills, he
gives thanks for
his protection during the night; for he feels that among
men become
desperate by their danger, it is God only that can preserve
him."
CHAPTER V.
Claim of the United
States to Indian lands--Conflicting claims of
different
States--Difficulty settled--Attempt to acquire the land by a
lease--Purchase by
Phelps and Gorham--Further purchase by Robert Morris.
At the close of the
war of the Revolution, the territory ceded by Great
Britain to the
United States, included large tracts of country occupied by
the Indians. In
ceding these lands, she ceded only the right claimed by
herself, on the
ground of original discovery, which was simply a priority
of right to
purchase of the original occupants of the soil. The Indians
were allowed to
dwell upon these lands, and were considered in a certain
sense the owners,
but were required in case of a sale, to dispose of them
to the government.
[Footnote: Kent's Commentary.]
As each State
claimed to be sovereign in every interest not ceded to the
general government,
each State claimed the territory covered by its
original charter.
These charters, owing to great ignorance of geographical
limits, created
claims that conflicted with each other. From this source
originated
difficult questions about land titles and jurisdiction, between
the States of
Connecticut and Pennsylvania,--Massachusetts and New York.
These difficulties
which existed before, the greater question of the
Revolutionary war
suspended for a time, but when peace was concluded, they
came up again for a
consideration and settlement.
The way was in a
measure prepared for this, by the relinquishment to the
general government,
on the part of New York in 1781, and of Massachusetts
in 1785, of all
their right to territory west of a meridian line drawn
south, from the
western end of Lake Ontario.
In the adjustment
of these difficulties, Connecticut relinquished her
claim to a tract of
land on the Susquehanna in Pennsylvania, called the
Gore, and acquired
that part of the State of Ohio called New Connecticut,
or Western Reserve.
And Pennsylvania obtained a tract of land lying
immediately beyond
the western boundary of the State of New York, and
north-east of her
own, embracing the harbor of Presque Isle, on Lake Erie,
familiarly known as
the Triangle, thus giving her access to the waters of
this Lake.
The question in
controversy between the States of New York and
Massachusetts was
more serious, owing to the large amount of territory
claimed by the
latter in western New York. It was brought to an amicable
settlement, by
Massachusetts surrendering to New York the right of
jurisdiction, over
all the land west of the present eastern boundary of
the State; and by
New York giving to Massachusetts the pre-emptive right,
or right of
purchasing of the Indians, all of the lands lying west of a
meridian line drawn
through Seneca Lake, from a certain point on the
northern boundary
of Pennsylvania, reserving however, a strip of land one
mile in width,
along the eastern shore of the Niagara river. Thus New
York, while she
retained the sovereignty, lost the fee of about six
millions of acres
of land, in one of the finest regions of country in the
new world.
[Footnote: For a more full account, see "Turner's History of
the Phelps and Gorham
Purchase."]
While these
difficulties were being adjusted, a magnificent speculation
was in progress,
which bid fair to meet the expectations of its earnest
projectors. A
company was organized, called the New York and Genesee Land
Company, with a
view to obtain the entire tract of Indian lands within the
State. To evade the
law forbidding the sale of these lands to any party
not authorized by
the State, it was proposed to obtain them by a lease,
that should extend
nine hundred and ninety-nine years. A lease extending
so long, was
regarded as equivalent to a sale.
With a view to
further its designs another company, the Niagara Genesee
Company, was also
formed in Canada, of those who were most in
correspondence with
the Indians, and who would be influential in securing
from them a
decision in favor of their object.
These
organizations, especially the New York Land Company, were large, and
included men of
wealth and prominence, both in New York and Canada. With
such appliances as
they were enabled to bring to bear upon the Indians,
they secured, in
November, 1787, a _lease for nine hundred and ninety-
nine years_, of all
the lands of the Iroquois in the State of New York,
except some small
reservations, and the privilege of hunting and fishing,
for an annual rent
of two thousand dollars, and a promised gift of twenty
thousand dollars.
The formidable
character of these associations created a just alarm, and
measures were
immediately undertaken to circumvent their influence. An act
was passed by the
Legislature of New York, in March, 1788, authorizing the
governor to
disregard all contracts made with the Indians, and not
sanctioned by the
State; and to cause those who had entered upon Indian
lands under such
contracts, to be driven off, and their houses destroyed.
The sheriff of the
county was directed to dispossess intruders and burn
their dwellings,
and a military force was called out, that strictly
enforced these
orders.
Thus by the
energetic action of Governor Clinton of New York, the designs
of these
organizations were overruled.
As early as 1784,
the Legislature of New York had passed an act,
appointing the
governor, and a Board of Commissioners, the Superintendents
of Indian affairs,
and as there were other Indian lands within the State,
not covered by the
pre-emptive right of Massachusetts, these commissioners
with the governor
at their head, entered upon negotiations with a view of
purchasing them,
and securing a title to them for the State. [Footnote:
The commissioners
designated were: Abraham Cuyler, Peter Schuyler and
Henry Glen, who
associated with them Philip Schuyler, Robert Yates,
Abraham Ten Broeck,
A. Yates, Jr., P. W. Yates, John J. Beekman, Mathew
Vischer, and Gen.
Gansevoort.]
A council of the
Iroquois was appointed for this purpose, at Fort
Schuyler, on the
first of September, 1788.
The Leasees
disappointed and angered by the bold and decisive measures
taken against them,
exerted their influence to prevent the Indians from
assembling. But by
measures equally energetic in its favor, a
representation of
the different tribes was obtained, and a treaty was
concluded on the
12th, in which was conveyed to the State the land of the
Onondagas; some
reservations excepted, in consideration of one thousand
dollars, in hand
paid and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever.
Then followed
negotiations with the Oneidas. Speeches were interchanged,
propositions made
and rejected, until finally an agreement was made, and a
deed of cession
executed by the chiefs, conveying all their lands,
excepting certain
reservations, in consideration of two thousand dollars
in money, two
thousand dollars in clothing and other goods, one thousand
dollars in
provisions, five hundred dollars for the erection of a saw and
grist mill on their
reservation, and an annuity of six hundred dollars
forever.
The commissioners
next appointed a council to be held at Albany, December
15, 1788. Great
difficulty was experienced in getting the Indians
together, the
Leasees it is said, "kept the Indians so continually
intoxicated, it was
impossible to do anything with them." [Footnote:
Turner's History.]
It was not until
the eleventh of the February following, that a sufficient
number were brought
together, to proceed with the negotiations; and on the
twenty-fifth, the
preliminaries having been settled, the Cayugas ceded to
the State all of
their lands, excepting a large reservation of one hundred
square miles. It
was in consideration of five hundred dollars in hand,
sixteen hundred and
twenty-eight dollars in June following, and an annuity
of five hundred
dollars forever.
Mr. Turner in
alluding to these negotiations very properly observes, "it
was only after a
hard struggle of much perplexity and embarrassment, that
the object was
accomplished. For the honor of our country, it could be
wished that all
Indian negotiations and treaties, had been attended with
as little wrong,
had been conducted as fairly as were those under the
auspices and
general direction of George Clinton. No where has the veteran
warrior and
statesman left a better proof of his sterling integrity and
ability, than is
furnished by the records of these treaties. In no case
did he allow the
Indians to be deceived, but stated to them from time to
time, with
unwearied patience, the true conditions of the bargains they
were
consummating."
He says further,
"the treaties for lands found the Six Nations in a
miserable
condition. They had warred on the side of a losing party; for
long years the
field and the chase had been neglected; they were suffering
for food and
raiment. Half-famished they flocked to the treaties and were
fed and clothed.
One item of expense charged in the accounts of the treaty
at Albany in 1789,
was for horses paid for, that the Indians had killed
and eaten on their
way down. For several years in addition to the amount
of provisions
distributed to them at the treaties, boatloads of corn were
distributed among
them by the State."
It does not appear
that Red Jacket, Cornplanter, Brant, or other of the
more noted chiefs
among the Iroquois, were present to take a part in these
negotiations. Hence
exception was taken to these proceedings. When the
time drew near for
paying the first annuity, the Onondagas sent an agent
to Governor
Clinton, saying they had received four strings of wampum from
the Senecas,
forbidding them to go to Fort Stanwix to receive the money,
and declaring also
"that the governor of Quebec wanted their lands; that
Sir John wanted
them; Col. Butler wants the Cayugas' lands; and the
commanding officer
of Fort Niagara wants the Senecas' lands."
They were assured
in reply that they might "make their minds easy," the
governor would
protect them; that the Leasees were the cause of their
trouble.
The Cayugas also
sent a message to the governor, saying they were
"threatened
with destruction, even total extermination. The voice comes
from the west; _its
sound is terrible, our brothers the Cayugas and
Onondagas are to
share the same fate_."
The complaint was,
they had sold their lands without consulting the
_western tribes_.
The decided
position of the Executive in giving them assurance of
protection, was the
means of dissipating their alarm.
Historical evidence
renders it apparent, that at this early period, the
design was
entertained by those in Canada, whose control over the Indians
was well nigh
supreme, to gain through them possession of Western New
York, and without
compromising the government of Great Britain, sever it
from the United
States, connect it with the territory of the North-west,
and hold it by
Indian possession, in a sort of quasi allegiance, to the
crown of England.
Their design with
respect to Western New York was defeated by the
energetic measures
of its chief executive, but further on we will see they
did not relinquish
the idea of holding from the United States, the
territory of the
North-west.
Next in the race of
competition for the broad and fertile lands of the
Genesee, appear the
names of Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham. They were
the acknowledged
representatives of a considerable body of men, who were
ambitious of
securing an interest in what was regarded as the most
desirable region in
this country.
From the advent of
Gen. Sullivan's army into the Indian country in 1779,
their route being
through the very finest portion of Western New York, and
at a season of the
year when vegetation was in its highest perfection; the
beauty and
fertility of these lands became the theme of praise, on the
part of every
soldier that beheld them. Their fame was thus carried to
almost every
village and hamlet in Pennsylvania and New England. Hence
great eagerness was
manifested in regard to the title, and settlement of
these lands.
The company of
which Messrs. Phelps and Gorham were the leading spirits,
having purchased
the pre-emptive right of Massachusetts, in the spring of
1788, Mr. Phelps
went on to the ground, and was successful in convening a
council of the
Indians for the sale of their lands, at Buffalo creek,
during the month of
July of the same year. [Footnote: His success in
obtaining this
council, and securing a sale, was owing in a large degree,
to his policy in
paying court to the powerful faction of the Leasees
residing in Canada,
and giving them an interest in the purchase.]
The Indians at this
treaty strenuously resisted the sale of any of their
land west of the
Genesee river; yet with a view of furnishing "_a piece
of ground for a
mill yard_" at the Genesee Falls, were finally persuaded
to give their
assent to a boundary line, that included a tract twelve
miles square, west
of that river. The eastern boundary of the lands sold,
was the
Massachusetts pre-emptive line; the western, was a line "beginning
in the northern
line of Pennsylvania, due south of the corner or point of
land made by the
confluence of the Genesee river, and the Canaseraga
creek, thence north
on said meridian line to the corner or point, at the
confluence
aforesaid; thence northwardly along the waters of the Genesee
river, to a point
two miles north of Canawangus village, thence running
due west 12 miles;
thence running northwardly so as to be twelve miles
distant from the
western bounds of said river, to the shores of Lake
Ontario." The
lands thus ceded, are what has been called "_The Phelps and
Gorham
Purchase_." It contained by estimation two million and six hundred
thousand acres, for
which they agreed to pay the Indians five thousand
dollars, and an
annuity of five hundred dollars forever.
Robert Morris, the
distinguished financier of the Revolution, afterward
became owner of the
greater part of this purchase, as well as of the pre-
emptive right of
Massachusetts to the remaining part of Western New York.
Through his agent
in London, Wm. Temple Franklin, grandson of Doctor
Franklin, these
lands were again sold to an association of gentlemen,
consisting of Sir
William Pultney, John Hornby, and Patrick Colquhoun, and
the farther
settlement of this region, auspiciously commenced under its
original
proprietors, was conducted principally under their
administration.
An intelligent and
enterprising young Scotchman, Charles Williamson, who
had previously
devoted his time while detained as a prisoner in this
country, during the
war of the Revolution, to investigations respecting
its geographical
resources and limits, and who from his disposition and
business capacity,
was well qualified for the station, was appointed their
agent, and
emigrating hither with his family, and two other young
Scotchmen as his
assistants, John Johnstone, and Charles Cameron, he
became identified
with the early history and progress of the extensive and
important part of
the Indian territory, that as we have seen, had just
been opened, and
was inviting a new race, to take possession of its virgin
soil.
CHAPTER VI.
Union of the
Western Indian Tribes contemplated--Hostile influence of the
agents of Great
Britain in Canada--Ambitious project of Thayendanegea or
Brant--Council at
Tioga Point--Indian Ceremonies--Visit of Cornplanter and
others at the seat
of government--Kindly feeling of Washington--Fresh
occasion of
trouble.
When Red Jacket, at
the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784, projected the
bold idea of the
union of all the Indian tribes on the continent, to
resist the
aggressions of the whites, he may not have thought it would
soon come near
having a practical fulfillment. This thought grew out of
the circumstances
and necessities of the times, and was the natural
forecast of a great
mind. His words sank deep into the hearts of his
people,--they were
carried beyond the bounds of that council-fire,--they
went gliding along with
the light canoe that plied the Lakes,--and were
wafted onward by
the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi. Several causes
contributed to give
direction and force to this movement.
Prominent among
them was the fact, that the treaty of peace with Great
Britain in 1783,
though it put an end to the war, did not secure friendly
relations between
the two countries. Hostile feelings had been engendered
and were still
cherished, particularly by those who had taken refuge in
Canada, in the
early part of the Revolutionary struggle. Some of them were
very active in
stirring up Indian hostilities among the tribes at the
west.
But prominent above
all others were the exertions of Thayendanegea, or
Brant, the famous
war-chief, from whose leadership the inhabitants of our
frontier
settlements had suffered so severely, during the war of the
Revolution. Very
soon after the treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1784, from the
dissatisfaction
growing out of that treaty, and other indications among
the Indians, he
began to entertain the ambitious project of forming a
grand Indian
confederacy, of which he would be chief, embracing not only
the Iroquois, but
all of the Indian nations of the great North-west. He
had given the
entire summer of 1785, to the business of visiting these
nations, and
holding councils among them, with a view to the furtherance
of this object.
[Footnote: See Stone's Life and Times of Brant, Vol. 2, p.
248.]
He visited England
at the close of this year, "ostensibly for the purpose
of adjusting the
claims of the loyal Mohawks upon the crown, for
indemnification of
their losses and sacrifices in the contest, from which
they had recently
emerged." [Footnote: See Stone's Life and Times of
Brant, Vol. 2, p.
248.]
... "Coupled
with the special business of the Indian claims, was the
design of _sounding
the British government, touching the degree of
countenance or the
amount of assistance which he might expect from that
quarter, in the
event of a general Indian war against the United
States_."
[Footnote: Ibid.]
His arrival at
Salisbury was thus noted in a letter from that place, dated
December 12, 1785,
and published in London. "Monday last, Colonel Joseph
Brant, the
celebrated King of the Mohawks, arrived in this city from
America, and after
dining with Colonel De Peister, at the head-quarters
here, proceeded on
his journey to London. This extraordinary personage is
said to have
presided at the late Grand Congress of Confederate chiefs, of
the Indian nations
in America, and to be by them appointed to the conduct
and chief command
in the war, _which they now meditate against the United
States of America_.
He took his departure for England immediately as
that assembly broke
up; and it is conjectured that his embassy to the
British Court is of
great importance." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2,
p. 249.]
No public, decisive
answer, for obvious reasons, was given to this
application for
countenance and aid in the contemplated war, for this part
of the errand of
the Mohawk chief, was "_unknown to the public at that
day_."
[Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 249.]
Captain Brant on
his return to America in 1786, entered once more upon the
work of combining
the Indian forces, and assembled a grand confederate
council, which was held
at Huron village, near the mouth of Detroit River.
[Footnote: It was
attended by the Six Nations, the Hurons, Ottawas,
Miamis, Shawanese,
Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottowattamies, and
Wabash,
confederates.]
An address to the
Congress of the United States was agreed upon at this
council, pacific in
its tone, provided no encroachments were made upon
their lands west of
the Ohio river. This was their ultimatum previous to
the war, in which
they were afterwards united.
At the treaty of
peace between Great Britain and the United States in
1783, it was
stipulated that the military posts south of the great lakes
should be
surrendered. This surrender was refused, on the plea that the
United States had
not fulfilled an agreement on her part, to see the just
claims, due the
subjects of Great Britain, cancelled.
From certain
correspondence at this time it appears that there were other
reasons also, for
the witholding of these forts. Their surrender was
earnestly desired
on the part of the United States, as it was well
understood, they
gave encouragement to the hostile combinations, that at
this time were
going on.
In a letter to
Captain Brant by Sir John Johnson dated Quebec, March 22d,
1787, he says,
"Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that
it will be for your
interest to sit still and see the Americans attempt
the posts.
[Footnote: Oswegatchie, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and Mackinaw.]
_It is for your
sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them._ If
you become
indifferent about them, they may perhaps be given up; what
security would you
then have? You would be at the mercy of a people whose
blood calls aloud
for revenge; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage
us to hold them,
and encourage new settlements, already considerable, and
every day
increasing by numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the
States. Many
thousands are preparing to come in. This increase of his
Majesty's subjects
will serve as a protection to you, should the subjects
of the States, by
endeavoring to make further encroachments on you,
disturb your
quiet." [Footnote: Stone's Life and Times of Brant.]
Another letter soon
after, by Major Mathews seems to confirm the above
statements.
"His Lordship [Footnote: Lord Dorchester, Governor General of
Canada, formerly
Sir Guy Carlton.] wishes them (the Indians), to act as is
best for their
interest; he cannot begin a war with the Americans, because
some of their
people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the
Indian country; but
they must see it is his Lordship's _intention to
defend the posts_;
and that while these are preserved, the Indians must
find great security
therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater
difficulty in
taking their lands; but should they once become masters of
the posts, they
will surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose
with little
trouble." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 271.]
Thus it is seen
that those at the head of British affairs in Canada, while
they studiously
avoided coming into open collision with the United States,
were viewing with
satisfaction the gathering war-cloud, and were lending
their influence to
extend and intensify its threatening character.
The only course
left for the United States was to prepare for the
conflict; and while
forces were being summoned to take the field, they
were preceded by
efforts of a pacific character.
A treaty was held
with the Six Nations at Fort Harmar, on the Muskingum,
in January, 1789,
by Gen. St. Clair, in behalf of the United States, with
a view to renew and
confirm all the engagements, made at the treaty of
Fort Stanwix in
1784. Goods amounting to three thousand dollars were
distributed among
the Indians, after the satisfactory conclusion and
signing of the
treaty. [Footnote: Indian treaties.]
At the same time a
treaty was concluded with the Wyandot, Delaware,
Ottawa, Chippewa,
Pottowattamie and Sac nations, and goods distributed
among them
amounting to six thousand dollars, for a relinquishment of
their claim to
western lands.
These negotiations
were doubtless attended with a beneficial influence,
but they could not
arrest the tide of warlike feeling that had been
created. Hostilities
were continued throughout the long line of our
frontier
settlements, and two of the Senecas having been killed by some
bordermen of
Pennsylvania, a great excitement was awakened among them.
Our government,
anxious to remove the new occasion of disaffection,
immediately
disavowed the act, sought to bring the perpetrators of the
crime to justice,
and invited a friendly conference of the Iroquois at
Tioga Point.
This council was
convened on the sixteenth and remained in session until
the twenty-third of
November, 1790.
The chiefs in
attendance at this council, and who took an active part in
its deliberations,
were Fish Carrier, Farmer's Brother, Hendrick, Little
Billy and Red
Jacket.
Colonel Pickering,
as commissioner on the part of the United States, was
present.
Red Jacket, their
principal speaker, portrayed in a vivid and strong
light, the sorrow
they experienced, the injustice they had suffered, and
the unpleasant
feelings aroused among them. A large number of Indians were
present, and were
powerfully moved, and deeply affected by his speech.
Colonel Pickering,
on the other hand, gave a very clear view of the facts
in the case,
showing conclusively the innocence of the government in the
murder committed,
and after a time succeeded in allaying the excitement,
drying up their
tears, and wiping out the blood that had been shed.
This council was
enlivened by good cheer, and the observance of ceremonies
common among the
Indians.
Thomas Morris, who
was present, was at this time adopted into one of their
tribes. His father,
Robert Morris of Philadelphia, having purchased of
Massachusetts, in
1790, the pre-emptive right to that part of Western New
York, not sold to
Phelps and Gorham, sent his son, as preparatory to the
negotiations he
desired to make with the Indians, and for the general
management of his
business connected with the undertaking, to reside in
Canandaigua. While
here he was diligent in cultivating an acquaintance
with the principal
chiefs of the Iroquois confederacy, who resided in that
region. In this he
was successful, and soon became a general favorite
among them. He was
in attendance with Colonel Pickering at Tioga Point,
where the Indians
determined to adopt him into the Seneca nation, and Red
Jacket bestowed
upon him the name himself had borne, previous to his
elevation to the
dignity of Sachem; O-ti-ti-ani, "_Always Ready_." It is
beautifully
described by Colonel Stone, and is given in his language.
"The occasion
of which they availed themselves to perform the cermony of
conferring upon
young Morris his new name, was a religious observance,
when the whole
sixteen hundred Indians present at the treaty, united in an
offering to the
moon, then being at her full. It was a clear night, and
the moon shone with
uncommon brilliancy. The host of Indians, and their
neophite, were all
seated upon the ground in an extended circle, on one
side of which a
large fire was kept burning. The aged Cayuga chieftain,
Fish Carrier, who
was held in exalted veneration for his wisdom, and who
had been greatly
distinguished for his bravery from his youth up,
officiated as the
high priest of the occasion;--making a long speech to
the luminary,
occasionally throwing tobacco into the fire, as incense. On
the conclusion of
the address, the whole company prostrated themselves
upon the bosom of
their parent earth, and a grunting sound of approbation
was uttered from
mouth to mouth, around the entire circle.
"At a short
distance from the fire a post had been planted in the earth,
intended to
represent the stake of torture, to which captives are bound
for execution.
After the ceremonies in favor of Madam Luna had been ended,
they commenced a
war-dance around the post, and the spectacle must have
been as picturesque
as it was animating and wild. The young braves engaged
in the dance were
naked, excepting a breech-cloth about their loins. They
were painted
frightfully, their backs being chalked white, with irregular
streaks of red,
denoting the streaming of blood. Frequently would they
cease from dancing,
while one of their number ran to the fire, snatching
thence a blazing
stick, placed there for that purpose, which he would
thrust at the post,
as though inflicting torture upon a prisoner. In the
course of the dance
they sung their songs, and made the forests ring with
their wild screams
and shouts, as they boasted of their deeds of war, and
told the number of
scalps they had respectively taken, or which had been
taken by their
nation. During the dance those engaged in it, as did others
also, partook
freely of unmixed rum, and by consequence of the natural
excitement of the
occasion, and the artificial excitement of the liquor
the festival had
well nigh turned out a tragedy. It happened that among
the dancers was an
Oneida warrior, who in striking the post, boasted of
the number of
scalps taken by his nation during the war of the Revolution.
Now the Oneidas, it
will be recollected, had sustained the cause of the
colonies in that
contest, while the rest of the Iroquois confederacy, had
espoused that of
the crown. The boasting of the Oneida warrior therefore,
was like striking a
spark into a keg of powder. The ire of the Senecas was
kindled in an
instant, and they in turn boasted of the number of scalps
taken from the
Oneidas in that contest. They moreover taunted the Oneidas
as cowards. Quick
as lightning the hands of the latter were upon their
weapons, and in
turn the knives and tomahawks of the Senecas began to
glitter in the
moon-beams, as they were hastily drawn forth. For an
instant it was a
scene of anxious, almost breathless suspense, a death-
struggle seeming
inevitable, when the storm was hushed by the
interposition of
Old Fish Carrier, who rushed forward, and striking the
post with violence,
exclaimed '_You are all a parcel of boys. When you
have attained my
age, and performed the warlike deeds that I have
performed, you may
boast of what you have done; but not till then._'
"Saying which
he threw down the post, put an end to the dance, and caused
the assembly to
retire. This scene in its reality must have been one of
absorbing and
peculiar interest. An assembly of nearly two thousand
inhabitants of the
forest, grotesquely clad in skins and strouds, with
shining ornaments
of silver, and their coarse raven hair falling over
their shoulders,
and playing wildly in the wind as it swept past, sighing
mournfully among
the giant branches of the trees above, such a group
gathered in a broad
circle of an opening in the wilderness, the starry
canopy of heaven
glittering above them, the moon casting her silver mantle
around their dusky
forms, and a large fire blazing in the midst of them,
before which they
were working their spells, and performing their savage
rites, must have
presented a spectacle of long and vivid remembrance."
[Footnote: Stone's
Life and Times of Sa-go-ye-wat-ha.]
This meeting
conducted with evident good feeling, served much to allay the
excitement and
anger of the Senecas, and other tribes there represented,
but the question
concerning their lands, was still agitated and created
dissatisfaction.
With a view to
obtain some concession in their favor, Cornplanter, Half
Town and Big Tree
visited Philadelphia, which was at that time the seat of
the general
government, very soon after the council at Tioga Point. They
were especially
anxious to obtain the restoration of a portion of land
south of Lake Erie,
and bordering upon Pennsylvania, which was occupied by
Half Town and his
clan. They represented it as the land on which Half Town
and all his people
live, with other chiefs who always have been, and still
are dissatisfied
with the treaty at Fort Stanwix. "They grew out of this
land, and their
fathers grew out of it, and they cannot be persuaded to
part with it. _We
therefore entreat you to restore to us this little
piece._"
This appeal, so
simple and touching, was responded to by President
Washington with
great kindness. He reminded them that the treaty at Fort
Stanwix had been
fully confirmed at Fort Harmar in 1789, that it was not
within his province
to annul the provisions of a treaty, especially one
that had been
concluded before his administration commenced, yet he
assured them that
Half Town and his people, should not be disturbed, in
the peaceful
occupancy of the land in question.
From the friendly
manner in which they were received and treated by the
President, and the
generous gifts bestowed, they returned home feeling
satisfied that the
ruler of the thirteen fires would do them no injustice,
and they were hence
better reconciled to the people he governed. Before
leaving, however,
they were engaged to go in company with Colonel Proctor,
of the Indian
Department, on an embassy of peace to the hostile tribes at
the West, which was
undertaken in the following spring.
On reaching their
own country it was found that another outrage had been
committed by a
party of border-men, upon the Senecas at Beaver Creek, in
the neighborhood of
Pittsburg, in which three men and one woman were
killed.
Cornplanter
immediately sent runners with a dispatch to the government,
informing them of
the event, and with the earnest inquiry, "Our father,
and ruler over all
mankind, _speak now and tell us, did you order those
men to be
killed_?"
The secretary of
war utterly disclaimed and denounced the transaction,
promised them
restitution, and that the offenders should be brought to
justice. These
times were so fruitful in difficulties, that ere one was
healed another was
created; yet our government by wise and prompt measures
were after this
successful, in securing peace with all of the Iroquois
family within its
borders.
CHAPTER VII.
Expedition under
Gen. Harmar--Its failure--High hopes of the Indians--Col.
Proctor's visit to
the Indians at Buffalo Creek--Red Jacket's speech--
Indian deputation
refused--Interference of the matrons--Council at Painted
Post--Chiefs
invited to Philadelphia.
The efforts of our
government to secure peace with the Indians, were but
partially
successful. As our settlements extended westward in
Pennsylvania, and
along the Ohio and Kentucky borders, Indian hostilities
and depredations
continued to multiply. From the year 1783 when peace was
concluded with
Great Britain, until October, 1790, when the United States
commenced offensive
operations against them, the Indians killed, wounded
and took prisoners
on the Ohio and the frontiers, about fifteen hundred
men, women and
children; besides taking away two thousand horses, and a
large amount of
other property.
The Shawanese,
Miamis and Wabash Indians were chiefly concerned in these
bloody
transactions; and our government finding protection for her
citizens could not
be secured by pacific means, resolved to proceed with
vigorous offensive
measures.
General Harmar, a
veteran of the Revolution, with a force of fourteen
hundred and fifty
men, three hundred and twenty from the regular army, and
the balance made up
of recruits from Kentucky and Pennsylvania, advanced
toward the Indian country.
The expedition left
Fort Washington, the present site of Cincinnati, on
the 30th of
September, 1790.
The Indians, who
kept watch of his movements, burned before his coming,
their principal
village and retired. Seizing a favorable opportunity, they
fell suddenly upon
a detachment of the main army commanded by Colonel
Harding, consisting
of two hundred and ten men, thirty of whom were
regulars.
At the first onset
the militia, the main part of the force, fled. The
regulars stood
their ground bravely for a time, but at a fearful odds;
seven only escaped.
Colonel Harding,
desirous of retrieving the disgrace, the next day with
three hundred
militia and sixty regulars, gave battle to the Indians. They
fought near the
junction of St. Joseph and St. Mary rivers, and the
struggle, though
severe and bloody, ended with the defeat of the
Americans.
Success elated and
emboldened the Indians, and rendered hopeless the
negotiations for
peace. Nevertheless the mission of Colonel Proctor, with
a deputation from
the Iroquois was not given up, and when spring opened he
repaired to their
country, to be joined by Cornplanter, Red Jacket and
others, and proceed
on his visit to the hostile tribes of the West.
Anticipating his
arrival, a council of the Iroquois had been called at
Buffalo Creek.
Already messengers had been sent, earnestly soliciting them
to join the
warriors that were rising everywhere, from toward the setting
sun. They had
defeated the Americans, and nothing was wanting but the
united action of
all the Indian tribes, to secure the broad lands of the
North-west, where
they could spread their blankets in peace, and dwell
securely forever.
The Senecas, particularly, were urged to join in a war,
that opened so many
hopeful and glorious anticipations. The distinguished
warrior Brant was
very solicitous on this point, and being encouraged by
those at the head
of British affairs in Canada, was sanguine of ultimate
success.
Colonel Proctor,
accompanied by Cornplanter, arrived at the council fire
kindled at Buffalo
Creek, on the 27th of April, 1791.
Among the Indian
chiefs present were Young King, Farmer's Brother and Red
Jacket. The latter
had now an acknowledged pre-eminence among his people,
and took a leading part
in the deliberations of this council. It was
opened by a speech
from Red Jacket, as follows:
"Brother:
Listen. As is our custom we now address you, and we speak to you
as to a brother
that has been long absent. We all address you, and our
chief warrior,
Cornplanter; and we thank the Great Spirit for his and your
safe arrival,
coming as you do hand in hand from Honandaganius [Footnote:
Name given to
General Washington.] on important business.
"You have
traveled long with tearful eyes, from the roughness of the way,
and the inclemency
of the season. Besides the difficulties between the bad
Indians and our
brothers the white people, everything has been conspiring
to prevent your
coming, thwart your business, and cause you to lose your
way. The great
waters might have prevented your coming; the wars might
have stopped you;
sickness and death might have overtaken you, for we know
not what is to
happen till it comes upon us. Therefore we thank the Great
Spirit, who has
preserved you from dangers, that would have prevented our
hearing the good
news you have come to bring us. And when filled with good
news, how is it
possible that disasters should befall you on the way?
"Wipe
therefore from your eyes, the tears that have been occasioned by the
dangers through
which you have come. We now place you upon a seat where
you can sit erect,
a seat where you will be secure from the fear of your
enemies, where you
can look around upon all as your friends and brothers
in peace.
"You have come
with your heart and lips firmly closed, lest you should
lose anything you
had to say. With a brotherly hand we now open your
hearts, and we
remove the seal from your lips, that you may open them and
speak freely
without obstruction. Your ears too have been closed, that
they might hear
nothing until saluted by our voice. Open your ears to hear
our counsels when
we shall have had messages from you.
"We present
therefore the compliments of the chiefs and head men of
Buffalo Creek, to
you and to our great warrior, the Cornplanter, hoping
that you may each
proceed safely with your business."
To this Cornplanter
replied briefly, in behalf of himself and Col.
Procter,
reciprocating the kindness manifested, in the welcome that had
been given them.
After which Col.
Proctor explained fully the object of their coming, which
was to obtain from
them a deputation of peace, to visit with him the
hostile Indian
tribes at the West; and assured them of the liberal views,
and friendly
feelings of the chief of the thirteen fires toward them.
Several days were
thereupon consumed in devising expedients and raising
objections, which
terminated finally in the declaration that nothing could
be done without
consulting their _British friends at Fort Niagara_.
They desired the colonel
to go with them there. His business not being
with the British,
but with them, he declined going. They then insisted
upon having one of
the officers of the fort to sit with them in council.
This being allowed,
Col. Butler afterward appeared among them, and after a
little private
consultation with him, they seemed to be utterly averse to
sending the
proposed delegation.
Captain Brant, just
before starting on a visit to western tribes, had been
holding a
consultation with these chiefs, and had no doubt been
influential in
causing them to be averse to joining this embassy.
Col. Proctor,
finding further negotiation hopeless, declared his purpose
to return, and
expressed his regret in having to carry back an unfavorable
report to the
government, on whose kind and pacific errand he had been
sent forth.
This announcement
made a deep impression on their minds, and immediately a
change took place
in their proceedings, which revealed a peculiar feature
of Indian
diplomacy.
The women, who had
been carefully watching the proceedings of this
council, began to
express their unwillingness to send to General
Washington an
unfavorable reply. To them was conceded the right, in things
pertaining to the
safety of their homes, of reversing, if they thought
proper, the
decision of the men. They did so on this occasion, and
employed Red Jacket
to present their views on the following day.
It was decided by
them, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, that
Cornplanter, their
most experienced warrior, should not leave them; but
that a sufficient
deputation, for which they had obtained volunteers,
should accompany
Col. Proctor, at the same time advising him of the
danger, admonishing
him to proceed with caution; "_to reach his neck over
the land, and take
in all the light he could, that would show him his
danger_."
The journey being
regarded as too hazardous by land, and the Indians
unwilling to
perform it with their canoes, the case was decided by the
British officers,
who refused them a vessel for the undertaking.
So great was the
excitement among the Indians at this time, that before
the result of Col.
Proctor's mission was generally known, another council
of the Iroquois was
invited to meet at Painted Post, and was held during
the month of June
following. The British officers at Niagara, and runners
from the western
tribes, exerted their influence to prevent the Iroquois
from coming into
alliances of peace with the United States. But through
the exertions of
Col. Proctor, assisted by Cornplanter and the elderly
matrons, the minds
of the leading chiefs were turned from the proposed
western alliance to
Colonel Pickering and the treaty ground at Painted
Post.
Red Jacket,
together with other leading chiefs was present, and took an
active part in the
deliberations of this council. It was well attended by
the Indians, as
also by several American gentlemen, and a number of
speeches were
interchanged, whose general drift was in the direction of
peace.
The result of this
gathering was satisfactory to all parties. It served to
bind more closely
the friendship of the leading chiefs to the United
States, and it
served also to interest the minds of the young warriors,
who had else from a
love of adventure followed the war path, with the
tribes at the West.
At the close of
this council, a large entertainment was prepared purely
after the civilized
style, and when it was about concluded, Colonel
Pickering took
occasion to place before them the blessings and advantages
of a cultivated
state of society; and the happy influences that would
arise from the
introduction among them of the arts of civilized life. He
assured them of the
kind interest felt by General Washington and others in
their welfare, and
promised to aid them in any efforts they were disposed
to make, for the
advancement of their people. Presents were then liberally
distributed among
them, and they were invited at a convenient time to
visit General
Washington, and confer with him more fully on the subject.
The Indians were
pleased with these suggestions, and promised to accept of
the proffered
invitation. Thus happily closed this council, gathered amid
distracting
influences, the Indians returning home better satisfied with
their friendly
attitude toward the government, and their feelings in
striking contrast
with those of their brethren at the West.
CHAPTER VIII.
Expedition to the
Indian Country--Washington's charge to Gen. St. Clair--
Approach to the
Indian villages--Sudden surprise--Disasterous battle--
Indian
victory--Retreat of the Americans--Boldness of the Indians--
Friendly Indian
deputation--Welcome of the governor of Pennsylvania--Red
Jacket's
reply--Address of President Washington--Reply of Red Jacket--
Cause of Indian
hostilities.
Indian hostilities
still continued to destroy the peace and safety of our
frontier
settlements. And Congress with a view to provide relief, resolved
to increase our
military force, and place in the hands of the Executive,
more ample means
for their defense. A new expedition was therefore
projected. General
St. Clair, governor of the territory west of the Ohio,
was appointed
commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed.
President
Washington had been deeply pained by the disasters of General
Harmar's expedition
to the Wabash, resulting from Indian ambushes. In
taking leave of his
old military comrade, St. Clair, he wished him success
and honor; at the
same time to put him on his guard, said,--"You have your
instructions from
the secretary of war. I had a strict eye to them, and
will add but one
word--Beware of a surprise! You know how the Indians
fight. I repeat
it--_Beware of a surprise_!" With these warning words
sounding in his
ear, St. Clair departed. [Footnote: Irving's life of
Washington.]
On the seventh of
September, 1791, General St. Clair set out for the
Indian country. The
American banner was unfurled and waved proudly over
two thousand of her
soldiers, as with sanguine hopes and bright
anticipations, they
took up their line of march for the Miami, designing
to destroy the
Indian villages on that river, expel the savages from the
region, and by
establishing a line of posts to the Ohio river, prevent the
Indians from
returning to a point, where they had been the occasion of
great mischief. On
their way they constructed two forts, Hamilton and
Jefferson, and
advanced but slowly, having to open for themselves a way
through the forest.
Too many of those composing this little army were
deficient in
soldier-like qualities. They had been recruited from the off-
scourings of large
towns and cities, enervated by idleness, debauchery,
and every species
of vice, which unfitted them for the arduous service of
Indian warfare. Hence
insubordination, and frequent desertion, were among
the difficulties
encountered.
Not until the third
of November, did they come near the Indian villages on
the Miami. On the
evening of that day they selected a position on the bank
of a creek, which
favored their purpose, and bivouacked for the night.
Their number, from
desertion, and those left to garrison the forts,
amounted to but
fourteen hundred. The place of their encampment was
surrounded by close
woods, dense thickets, and the trunks of fallen trees,
affording a fine
cover for stealthy Indian warfare.
It was the
intention of St. Clair to throw up a slight work on the
following day, and
then move on to attack the Indian villages. The plan of
this work he
concerted in the evening with Major Ferguson, of the
artillery. In the
mean time, Colonel Oldham, an officer commanding the
militia, was
directed to send out that evening, two detachments, to
explore the country
and gain what knowledge they could of the enemy. The
militia showed
signs of insubordination, complained of being too much
fatigued, and the
order apparently could not be enforced. The militia were
encamped beyond the
stream, about a quarter of a mile in advance, on a
high flat, a
position much more favorable than was occupied by the main
body. The placing
of sentinels, about fifty paces from each other, formed
their principal
security against surprise.
At an early hour
the next morning, the woods about the camp of the
militia, swarmed
with Indians, and a terrific yell, followed by sharp
reports of the
deadly rifle, were startling sounds, in the ear of the
newly recruited
soldier. The militia returned a feeble fire, and
immediately fled
toward the main body of the army. They came rushing in,
pell-mell and threw
into disorder the front rank, drawn up in the order of
battle. The
Indians, still keeping up their frightful yell, followed hard
after the militia,
and would have entered the camp with them, but the
sight of troops
drawn up with fixed bayonets to receive them, checked
their ardor, and
stopping short they threw themselves behind logs and
bushes, and poured
in a deadly fire upon the first line, which was soon
extended to the
second. Our soldiers were mown down at a fearful rate.
The Indians fought
with great desperation. They charged upon the center of
the two main
divisions commanded by General Butler, and Colonel Darke with
unexampled
intrepidity. They aimed a destructive fire upon the
artillerists from
every direction, and swept them down by scores. The
artillery if not
very effective, was bravely served. A quantity of
canister and some
round shot were thrown in the direction whence the
Indians fired; but
concealed as they were, and seen only occasionally, as
they sprang from one
covert to another, it was impossible to direct the
pieces to
advantage; and so effective was the fire upon them, that every
artillery officer,
and more than two-thirds of the men, were killed or
wounded.
St. Clair, unable
to mount his horse, was borne about on a litter, and in
the midst of peril
and disaster, gave his orders with coolness and
judgment. Seeing to
what disadvantage his troops fought with a concealed
enemy, he ordered
Colonel Darke, with his regiment of regulars, to rouse
the Indians from their
covert with the bayonet, and turn their left flank.
This was executed
with great spirit; the enemy were driven three or four
hundred yards; but
for want of cavalry or riflemen, the pursuit slackened,
and the troops were
forced to give back in turn, and the Indians came on
with a deadlier
aim, the moment pursuit was relinquished. Strenuous
efforts were made
by the officers, early in the engagement, to restore
order, which
resulted in making themselves a mark, and they were cut down
by the
quick-sighted enemy.
All the officers of
the Second regiment were cut off except three. The
contest disastrous
from the first, had now continued for more than two
hours and a half.
The loss of so many officers, and the hopeless condition
of the army, the
half of them killed, and the situation of the remainder
desperate, brought
discouragement to many a brave heart. It was useless to
make further
effort, which promised only a more fatal result. A retreat
therefore was
ordered, Colonel Darke being directed to charge the Indians
that intercepted
the way toward Fort Jefferson, and Major Clark with his
battalion to cover
the rear; these movements were successfully made, and
the most of the
troops that remained collected in a body, with such of the
wounded as could
possibly hobble along with them; thus they departed,
leaving their
artillery and baggage.
The retreat, though
disorderly, was accomplished without difficulty, as
the Indians did not
pursue them far, from a desire to return for plunder.
Yet the entire way,
for near thirty miles, the distance to Fort Jefferson,
bore the marks of a
trepidation that seemed to characterize the entire
engagement. The
soldiers continued to throw away their guns, knapsacks, or
whatever else
impeded their flight, even when at a wide remove from all
danger.
The army reduced by
killed, wounded and desertion to about one-half its
original number,
fell back upon Fort Washington, the point of starting,
and thus
unfortunately closed a campaign, concerning which the highest
expectations had
been entertained. It was a heavy blow upon our infant
republic, and
spread over our country a gloom, which was greatly deepened
by a sorrow for the
loss of many worthy and brave men, who though they
freely sacrificed
their lives, could not avert these disasters.
The Indians, on
account of this further victory, were elated beyond
endurance, and
conducted more haughtily than ever before. Their incursions
were more frequent,
their depredations more extensive, and their cruelties
more excessive. The
frontier inhabitants, especially of Pennsylvania, and
Kentucky, never
felt more insecure, and were never more exposed to loss of
life, plunder and
burning. In some instances whole settlements were broken
up, by those who
left their homes and sought, in the more densely peopled
sections of the
east, places of greater security.
These circumstances
served to impart a deeper interest to the visit of a
friendly
deputation, consisting of about fifty chiefs of the Iroquois, who
came to Philadelphia
early in the spring of 1792, in compliance with the
request of Colonel
Pickering made at Painted Post the preceding year. Red
Jacket was a
prominent member of this delegation.
Their presence had
been solicited, with the view of calling the attention
of the leading
chiefs, to thoughts and efforts for the improvement of
their race; as well
as by kind and generous treatment, to bring them into
firmer alliance
with the United States. And it is a pleasing thought that
amid the wrongs
done to the Indian, we are able to point to earnest and
well intended
endeavors, on the part of our government, to promote his
welfare.
The governor of
Pennsylvania cordially welcomed this deputation,
representing the
happiness their coming had created, and assuring them
that every
provision had been made, to render their stay agreeable,
closing his remarks
in these words:
"Brothers: I
know the kindness with which you treat strangers that visit
your country; and
it is my sincere wish, that when you return to your
families, you may
be able to assure them, that the virtues of friendship
and hospitality,
are also practiced by the citizens of Pennsylvania."
To this welcome Red
Jacket, a few days afterward replied, apologizing for
not answering it
sooner, and expressing the pleasure it afforded them, of
meeting in a place
where their forefathers in times past, had been wont to
greet each other in
peace and friendship, and declaring it as his wish,
that the same happy
relations might be established, and exist between the
United States and
all of the Indian tribes.
His remarks on
peace were introduced by a beautiful reference to a picture
of Penn's treaty
with the Indians, and an enconium on the governors of
Pennsylvania for
their uniformly peaceable disposition.
It has been said of
him as having occurred at a subsequent visit to the
seat of our
government, that when shown in the rotunda of the capitol, a
panel representing,
in sculpture, the first landing of the Pilgrims, with
an Indian chief
presenting them an ear of corn, in token of a friendly
welcome, he
exclaimed,--"_That was good.--The Indian knew they came from
the Great Spirit,
and he was willing to share the soil with his
brothers._"
When another panel
was pointed out to him representing Penn's treaty,--he
exclaimed
sadly,--"_Ah! all's gone now._" [Footnote: Drake's Book of
the Indians.]
The Indians were
again addressed by President Washington, who gave them a
hearty welcome to
the seat of government, declaring that they had been
invited by his
special request, to remove all causes of discontent, devise
plans for their
welfare, and cement a firm peace. He wished them to
partake of all the
comforts of the earth to be derived from civilized
life, to be
enriched by industry, virtue and knowledge, and transmit these
invaluable
blessings to their children.
The western Indians
had charged the United States with an unjust
possession of their
lands. They desired no lands, he said, but such as had
been fairly
obtained by treaty, and he hoped the error might be corrected.
For the further
explanation of his views and wishes, he commended them to
General Knox, the
secretary of war, and Colonel Pickering; concluding his
address with these
words:--
"As an
evidence of the sincerity of the desire of the United States for
perfect peace, and
friendship with you, I deliver you this white belt of
wampum, which I
request you will safely keep."
The president
having thus appointed Colonel Pickering and General Knox, to
attend to the
further conferences with the Indians, Red Jacket's reply to
the president's
address, was made to them. His address was directed mainly
to Colonel
Pickering.
Taking in his hand
the belt presented by President Washington, he spoke
very much as
follows:
"Your
attention is now called to the words of the American Chief, when,
the other day he
welcomed us to the great council fire of the thirteen
United States. He
said it was from his very heart; and that it gave him
pleasure to look
around and see so large a representation of the Five
Nations of Indians.
That it was at his special request we had been invited
to the seat of the
general government, with a view to promote the
happiness of our
nation, in a friendly connection with the United States.
He said also that
his love of peace did not terminate with the Five
Nations, but
extended to all the nations at the setting sun, and it was
his desire that
universal peace might prevail in this land.
"What can we,
your brothers of the Five Nations, say in reply to this part
of his speech,
other than to thank him, and say it has given a spring to
every passion of
our souls.
"The sentiment
of your chief, who wishes our minds might all be disposed
to peace,--a happy
peace, so firm that nothing shall move it,--that it may
be founded on a
rock,--this comparison of the peace to a _rock, which is
immovable_, has
given joy to our hearts.
"The president
observed also, that by our continuing in the path of peace,
and listening to
his counsel, we might share with you all the blessings of
civilized life;
this meets with our approbation, and he has the thanks of
all your brothers
of the Five Nations.
"And further,
that if we attended to his counsel in this matter, our
children and
children's children, might partake of all the blessings which
should rise out of
this earth.
"The president
observed again, that what he had spoken was in the
sincerity of his
heart, and that time and opportunity would give evidence
that what he said
was true. And we believe it because the words came from
his own lips, and
they are lodged deep in our minds.
"He said also
that it had come to his ears that the cause of the
hostilities of the
western Indians, was their persuasion that the United
States had unjustly
taken their lands. But he assured us this was not the
case; that none of
his chiefs desired to take any of their land, without
agreeing for it;
and that the land, given up at the treaty at Muskingum,
he concluded had
been fairly obtained.
"He said to us
that in his opinion the hostile Indians were in error, that
whatever evil
spirit, or lies had turned them aside, he wished could be
discovered, that
they might be removed. He had a strong wish that any
obstacles to the
extension of peace westward, might be discovered, so that
they might be
removed.
"In conclusion
he observed that our professions of friendship and regard,
were commonly
witnessed by some token; therefore in the name of the United
States, he
presented us with this white belt, which was to be handed down
from one generation
to another, in confirmation of his words, and as a
witness of the
friendly disposition of the United States, towards the
peace and happiness
of the five confederated nations."
Red Jacket here
laid down the white belt presented by the president, and
taking up a belt of
their own, continued his speech as follows:
"Now let the
president of the United States possess his mind in peace. Our
reply to his
address to us the other day has been brief, for the belt he
gave us is
deposited with us, and we have taken firm hold of it. We return
our united thanks
for his address, in welcoming us to the seat of the
great council, and
for the advice he has given us.
"We have
additional pleasure in knowing that you, Con-neh-sauty [Footnote:
Col. Pickering.]
are appointed to assist us, in devising the means to
promote and secure
the happiness of the Six Nations.
"Now open your
ears, Representatives of the Great Council, Hear the words
we speak. All
present of the Great Council, [Footnote: Referring to
members of Congress
present.] and our brethren of the Five Nations, hear!
We consider
ourselves in the presence of the Great Spirit, the proprietor
of us all.
"The president
has in effect told us we are freemen, the sole proprietors
of the soil on
which we live. This has gladdened our hearts, and removed a
weight that was
upon them. This indeed is to us an occasion of joy, for
how can two
brothers speak freely together, unless they feel they are upon
equal ground?
"We now speak
freely, as they are free from pressure, and we join with the
president in his
wish, that all the evils which have hitherto disturbed
our peace, may be
buried in oblivion. This is the sincere wish of our
hearts.
"Now, Brother,
continue to hear, let all present open their ears, while
those of the Five
Nations here present speak _with one voice_. We wish
to see your words
verified to our children, and children's children. You
enjoy all the
blessings of this life; to you therefore we look to make
provision, that the
same may be enjoyed by our children. This wish comes
from our heart, but
we add that our happiness cannot be great if, in the
introduction of
your ways, we are put under too much constraint.
"Continue to
hear. We, your brothers of the Five Nations, believe that the
Great Spirit let
this island [Footnote: The Indians use the term _island_,
in speaking of this
continent.] drop down from above. We also believe in
his superintendency
over this whole island. He gives peace and prosperity,
he also sends evil.
Prosperity has been yours. American brethren, all the
good which can
spring out of this island, you enjoy. We wish, therefore,
that we and our
children, and our children's children, may partake with
you of that
enjoyment.
"I observe
that the Great Spirit might smile on one people, and frown on
another. This you
have seen, who are of one color, and one blood. The king
of England, and you
Americans strove to advance your happiness by
extending your
possessions on this island, which produces so many good
things. And while
you two great powers were contending for those good
things, by which
the whole island was shaken, violently agitated, is it
strange that our
peace, the peace of the Five Nations, was shaken and
overthrown?
"But I will
say no more of the trembling of this island. All in a measure
is now quiet. Peace
is restored. Our peace, the peace of the Five Nations
is beginning to bud
forth. But still there is some shaking among our
brethren at the
Setting Sun; and you, of the thirteen fires, and the king
of England know
what is our situation and the cause of this disturbance.
Here now, you have
an ambassador, [Footnote: Referring to the British
envoy to the United
States.] as we are informed from the king of England.
Let him in behalf
of the king, and the Americans, adjust all their
matters, according
to their agreement, at the making of peace--and then
you will soon see
all things settled among the Indian nations. Peace will
extend far and
near. Let the president and the ambassador use all their
exertions to bring
about this settlement, according to the peace, and it
will make us all
glad, and we shall consider both as our real friends.
"Brother:
Continue to hear! Be assured we have spoken not from our lips
only, but from our
very hearts. Allow us then to say: That when you
Americans and the
king made peace, he did not mention us, showed us no
compassion,
notwithstanding all he said to us, and all we had suffered.
This has been the
occasion to us, the Five Nations, of great loss, sorrow
and pain. When you
and he settled the peace between you two great nations,
he never asked for
a delegation from us, to attend to our interests. Had
this been done, a
settlement of peace among all the western nations might
have been effected.
But neglecting this, and passing us by unnoticed, has
brought upon us
great pain and trouble.
"It is evident
that we of the Five Nations have suffered much in
consequence of the
strife between you and the king of England, who are of
one color and of
one blood. But our chain of peace has been broken. Peace
and friendship have
been driven from us. Yet you Americans were determined
not to treat us in
the same manner as we have been treated by the king of
England. You
therefore desired us at the re-establishment of peace, to sit
down at our ancient
fireplaces, and again enjoy our lands. And had the
peace between you
and the king of England been completely accomplished, it
would long before
this have extended far beyond the Five Nations.
"BROTHER
CON-NEH-SAUTY: We have rejoiced in your appointment, for you are
specially appointed
with General Knox, to confer with us on our peace and
happiness. We hope
the great warrior will remember, that though a
_warrior_, he is to
converse with us about _peace_; letting what concerns
war sleep; and the
counselling part of his mind, while acting with us, be
of _peace_.
"Have
patience, and continue to listen. The president has assured us that
he is not the cause
of the hostilities now existing at the westward, but
laments it.
Brother, we wish you to point out to us of the Five Nations,
_what you think is
the real cause_.
"We now
publicly return our thanks to the president, and all the
counsellors of the
thirteen United States, for the words he has spoken to
us. They were good,
unqualifiedly good. Shall we observe that he wished
that if the errors
of the hostile Indians could be discovered, he would
use his utmost
exertions to remove them?
"BROTHER! You
and the king of England are the two governing powers of this
island. What are
we? You both arc important and proud; and you cannot
adjust your own
affairs agreeably to your declarations of peace. Therefore
the western Indians
are bewildered. One says one thing to them, and
another says
another. Were these things adjusted, it would be easy to
diffuse peace
everywhere.
"In
confirmation of our words, we give this belt, which we wish the
president to hold
fast, in remembrance of what we have now spoken."
[Footnote: This
speech, given by Col. Stone from a manuscript of J. W.
Moulton, Esq., on
account of its importance, is presented almost entire. A
few changes have
been made, but the ideas of the orator, and the language
mostly in which
they are given, have been strictly maintained, while the
changes are no
greater than would have been made, had two reporters taken
the words as they
came from the lips of the orator.]
A very touching
reference is made in this speech, to the manner in which
the Indians had
been treated by Great Britain, when peace was concluded
with the United
States. Notwithstanding the promises and high expectations
held out to them,
at the commencement of the war, and their sacrifices and
services during its
continuance, no notice was taken, no mention made of
them in the treaty
of peace. In the expressive language of Red Jacket,
"_the king
showed them no compassion_." They had for years fought side
by side with the
soldiers of Britain, they had, with stealthy tread, come
down upon our
settlements far removed from the seat of war, surprised
peaceful
inhabitants, slain defenseless women and children, plundered and
burned their
dwellings, and wrought in the hearts of the American people a
sense of wrong,
that cried for redress. What could be their position, now
that the armies of
Britain are withdrawn? The armies of Britain defeated,
could they, single
handed, cope with the American army? These were
questions that
weighed deeply on their minds. Did they expect the hand of
friendship to be
extended toward them? To be invited to councils of peace,
--to the
intimacies, hospitalities, and kindly feeling manifested on this
occasion? The
orator was deeply impressed by it, and notes the contrast
apparent in the
conduct toward them, of Britain and America. "_You
Americans were
determined not to treat us in the same manner, as we had
been treated by the
king of England. You desired us at the re-
establishment of
peace, to sit down at our ancient fire-places, and again
enjoy our
lands_." He further very significantly refers to the occasion of
the hostile
feelings among the Indians at the West. It was because the
peace between
England and America "_had not been fully accomplished_." In
other words,
hostile feelings were still cherished, and their _outward
manifestation_
could be seen, in the plundering and massacres, still
carried on among
our frontier settlements. The establishment of a _true
peace_ between the
two countries,--the existence and cultivation of
genuine amicable
relations between them, would, in his view, end all this
trouble, and
"_diffuse peace everywhere_."
We have already had
occasion to notice the unfriendly feeling, cherished
by the British
Indian Department in Canada, toward the United States; and
evidence will be
afforded further on, of their being deeply implicated in
the hostilities
endured, coming from the Indians on our western border.
CHAPTER IX.
Indian
appropriation--Embassy sent West--Instructions--Medal presented to
Red Jacket--Military
suits--Close of conference--Washington's parting
words--Visit of
Thayendanegea--Council at Au Glaize--Result--Another
commission--Indian
diplomacy--Washington's letter to Mr. Jay--Commission
goes West--Various
interviews--Result of council--Re-organization under
General
Wayne--Ready for action--Advice of Little Turtle--Wayne's battle
and victory--Treaty
of peace.
While these Indian
chiefs were at Philadelphia, a bill was passed by
Congress, and
ratified by the president, appropriating fifteen hundred
dollars annually,
for the benefit of the Iroquois, in purchasing for them
clothing, domestic
animals, implements of husbandry, and for encouraging
useful artificers
to reside in their villages.
They were engaged
also to go on a pacific embassy to the hostile Indians
of the West, and
assure them of the friendly disposition of the United
States toward
them;--that they want nothing which belongs to the hostile
Indians;--that they
appointed commissioners to treat with them for their
lands, and give
them a large quantity of goods;--that a number of chiefs
signed the deeds,
and from the reports of the commissioners, it was
supposed the lands
had been fairly obtained;--that under this supposition
large tracts had
been sold, and hence difficult to restore again; but as
the United States
desire only what is just, they will attentively hear the
complaints of the
western Indians;--they will re-examine the treaties, and
inquire into the
manner in which they were conducted;--and if the
complaints of the
western Indians, appear to be well founded, the United
States will make
them ample compensation for their lands. They will do
more;--so far from
desiring to injure, they would do them good; they would
cheerfully impart
to them that knowledge, and those arts, by which they
propose to increase
the happiness, and promote the welfare of the Six
Nations.
It was during this
visit that President Washington, in token of his
friendship and
esteem, gave Red Jacket a large silver medal bearing his
likeness, which he
ever after preserved with much care, and took great
pride in wearing.
[Illustration:
GEORGE WASHINGTON PRESIDENT. 1792.]
General Knox, the
secretary of war, directed also that a military suit of
clothes be given to
each member of the deputation, including a cocked hat,
as worn by the
officers of the United States army. When Red Jacket's suit
was presented to
him he eyed it carefully, and rather admiringly, but
requested the
bearer to inform General Knox that the suit would hardly
become him, as he
was not a war-chief but a sachem, the sachems being
civil, rather than
military officers. He desired therefore that another
suit be prepared,
which would accord better with the relation he sustained
to his people; at
the same time declaring the one sent very good, and
manifesting a
disposition to retain it, until the other was prepared. A
plain suit was
accordingly prepared and brought to him, and with this he
seemed to be highly
pleased. The bearer tarrying a little, and manifesting
a readiness to
carry back the other suit, Red Jacket coolly and rather
playfully remarked,
that though the present suit was more in keeping with
his character as
sachem, it nevertheless, occurred sometimes, in cases of
emergency, that the
sachems also went to war, and as it would then be very
becoming and proper
for him to wear it, he was happy to have one in case a
circumstance of
this kind should occur.
These Indian chiefs
were all highly gratified with the attention shown
them, during this
visit to the general government. They were especially
pleased with the
interest that had been taken in the improvement of their
people, and the
pledges they had received of aid in carrying out the
benevolent designs
entertained toward them. And they all, Red Jacket with
the rest, were
favorably impressed with the views of Washington, in
desiring to
introduce among them the improvements of civilized life.
These conferences
were brought to a close on the thirtieth of April, and
President
Washington in a concluding speech, said to them,--"When you
return to your
country, tell your nation that it is my desire to promote
their prosperity,
by teaching them the use of domestic animals, and the
manner that the white
people plough and raise so much corn, and if upon
consideration, it
would be agreeable to the nation at large, to learn
those arts, I will
find some means of teaching them at some places within
their country, as
shall be agreed upon." [Footnote: Irving's Life of
Washington.]
The government had
taken special pains also to secure the attendance of
the celebrated
Thayendanegea or Brant, with this deputation of friendly
chiefs. The
invitation, though a pressing one, was declined, and not
without reason. For
besides the powerful influence exerted over him by the
officers of the
British government in Canada, who strenuously opposed his
coming, it has
since been ascertained that he was the leading spirit who
directed with so
much success to the Indians, the onslaught upon General
St. Clair's army,
the preceding fall. Hence his own feelings could not
have been of the
most friendly character. He was, nevertheless, induced to
visit the seat of
government during the month of June following, and
pledged himself to
exert his influence in an effort to secure peace for
the United States,
with the Indians at the West.
A very large Indian
council, composed of delegates from many and some of
them very distant
nations, was held at Au Glaize, on the Miami of Lake
Erie, in the autumn
of 1792. A large delegation from the Six Nations,
friendly to the
United States, was present and took part in the
deliberations. Red
Jacket was the principal speaker, and strenuously
advocated the
settlement of their difficulties, by peaceful negotiations
instead of war.
The Shawanese as
strenuously advocated the continuance of hostilities.
They taunted the
Six Nations with having induced them to form a great
confederacy, a few
years before, and of having come to the council now,
"with the
voice of the United States folded under their arm;"--referring
to the belt which
was significant of their embassy.
The Shawanese,
Miamis and Kickapoos were addicted to horse-stealing, and
while hostilities
were continued, they reaped from this source, their
greatest harvests.
Captain Brant on
account of sickness was unable to be present, and it may
be noticed that
from this time on, his efforts to form a North-western
Indian Confederacy,
were very sensibly remitted. He no doubt found there
were so many
conflicting interests and national jealousies in the way, as
to render the
project comparatively hopeless. But more than all, he had
depended upon the
following of the entire body, composed of the Six
Nations, and when
he saw them coming largely under the influence of the
United States, he
could realize that the strength and permanence of his
contemplated
position, were so seriously affected, as to render its
attainment
extremely doubtful. The addition of the entire Iroquois family,
to the proposed
confederation, would have brought into it an element of
intellectual
superiority, and their long established polity of acting in
concert, would have
been of essential service among forces that were wild
and chaotic. And we
are not surprised that the diversion effected among
them, should have
changed somewhat the views of the distinguished
Thayendanegea.
No decisive action
was reached at this council, but an agreement was made
to suspend
hostilities during the winter, provided the United States would
withdraw their
troops from the west side of the Ohio; and another council
was appointed to
meet at the Miami Rapids during the following spring.
The Iroquois
delegation forwarded to our government a report of the
service they had
rendered, the action taken by the council, and the
agreement to meet
in the spring, and requested that agents might be sent,
"who were men
of honesty, not land-jobbers, but men who love and desire
peace. We also
desire that they may be accompanied by some Friend, or
Quaker, to attend
the council."
On the 19th of
February, 1793, General Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Randolph
and Colonel
Pickering were commissioned by the president to attend the
great Indian
council at Miami Rapids, in the ensuing spring.
Meanwhile the
Indians, dissatisfied with the views of the president, as
transmitted by the
Six Nations, held another council at Au Glaize in
February, and
framed a very explicit address to the Six Nations, affirming
they would listen
to no proposition from the United States, that did not
concede the Ohio
river, as the boundary line between them, and the Indian
country. They
desired the United States to be fully apprised of this,
before sending
their delegation; and they notified the Six Nations of a
private council at
Miami Rapids, before meeting the American
commissioners, to
adjust their opinions, so as to speak but one language
at the council;
they further declared their intention not to meet the
commissioners at
all, until assured they had authority to conclude a
treaty on this
basis.
In this
determination they were encouraged, and sustained by the British
Indian Department
of Canada. President Washington, in a letter to Mr. Jay,
our minister in
London, writing in 1794, very clearly sets forth the work
thus
accomplished.--He says:--"There does not remain a doubt, in the mind
of any well
informed person in this country, not shut against conviction,
that all the
difficulties we encounter with the Indians, their
hostilities, the
murder of helpless women and children, along our
frontiers, result
from the conduct of agents of Great Britain in this
country. In vain is
it then for its administration in Britain to disavow
having given orders
which will warrant such conduct, whilst their agents
go unpunished;
while we have a thousand corroborating circumstances, and
indeed as many
evidences, some of which cannot be brought forward, to
prove that they are
seducing from our alliances, and endeavoring to remove
over the line,
tribes that have hitherto been kept in peace and friendship
at great expense,
and who have no causes of complaint, except pretended
ones of their
creating; whilst they keep in a state of irritation the
tribes that are
hostile to us, and are instigating those who know little
of us or we of
them, to unite in the war against us; and whilst it is an
undeniable fact,
that they are furnishing the _whole with arms,
ammunition,
clothing, and even provisions to carry on the war_, I might go
farther, and if
they are not much belied, add, _men in disguise_."
[Footnote:
Marshall's Washington.]
The commissioners
of the United States appointed to confer with the Indian
tribes at the West,
proceeded on their way, arriving at Niagara the latter
part of May, 1793.
Here they were very kindly entertained by Governor
Simcoe until the
council was ready to receive them.
While here they
were visited by a large deputation from the council at
Miami Rapids, who
desired an explicit answer to the inquiry whether they
were authorized to
run and establish a new boundary? Which they answered
in the affirmative,
at the same time reminding the Indians that in almost
all disputes there
were wrongs on both sides, and that, at the approaching
council, both
parties must expect to make some concessions.
This reply was well
received and sanguine hopes were entertained of a
favorable
termination of their mission.
The Indians
returned again to their council at Miami, and the
commissioners
supposing they would now be prepared to receive them,
proceeded on their
voyage westward. Arriving at the mouth of Detroit river
they were obliged
to land, being forbidden by the British authorities to
proceed any farther
toward the place of meeting.
They were met here
by another Indian deputation, bringing a paper with a
written statement
of their determination, to make the Ohio the boundary
line between the
Indian country and the United States, and requiring the
latter, if sincere
in their desires for peace, to remove their settlements
to the south side
of that river. To this the commissioners were desired to
give an explicit
written answer.
They replied,
referring to the understanding from their conference at
Niagara, that some
concessions were to be made on both sides, and giving a
brief history of
the treaties by which a title had been acquired to land
north of the Ohio,
on the faith of which, settlements had been formed
which could not be
removed; hence they answered explicitly.--"_The Ohio
river cannot be
designated as the boundary line._"
They expressed the
hope that negotiations might proceed on the basis of
these treaties,
closing with some concessions, and liberal offers for some
lands still held by
the Indians.
The debate at this council,
it is said, ran high. Thayendanegea, and
others of the Six
Nations were strenuous in their advocacy of peace. The
offer of the
commissioners to establish a boundary line that would include
the settlements
already made north of the Ohio, they regarded as
reasonable, and
that farther concessions ought not to be required. Quite a
number of tribes
were influenced to adopt this view, which at one time it
was thought would
prevail. But there were certain ruling spirits present
determined to make
no concession, and the council broke up without
allowing the
commissioners, or any other white person, not in sympathy
with Britain, to be
present.
Previous to the
holding of this council, the army had been re-organized
under the command
of General Anthony Wayne, an officer of untiring energy
and vigilance; a
larger number of soldiers had been called into the field,
and as they were
placed under a severe discipline, to inure them to the
dangers and
hardships of the campaign, it was undertaken with flattering
prospects of
success.
Pittsburgh had been
made the place of rendezvous; but fearing the
influence of an
encampment near a town, and wishing to inspire in his
soldiers a feeling
of self reliance, General Wayne, on the 27th of
November, 1792,
marched his army to a point twenty-two miles distant on
the Ohio, which he
called Legionville, fortifying it and taking up his
quarters there for
the winter.
On the 30th of
April, 1793, as spring had opened, he broke up his garrison
at Legionville, and
led his army down the river, to Fort Washington, its
site being that of
the present beautiful and flourishing city of
Cincinnati.
Here he remained
while the negotiations were going on with the Indians at
the West. As soon
as they were ended and the result known, he took a more
advanced position,
marching in October in the direction pursued by,
General St. Clair,
to a point on the south-west branch of the Miami, six
miles beyond Fort
Jefferson, and eighty from Fort Washington, which he
fortified and
called Greenville.
On the 23d of
December, a detachment of the army commanded by Major
Burbeck took
possession of the ground where the army of General St. Clair,
two years before on
the 4th of the preceding November, had sustained a
terrible defeat.
Here they gathered up sadly and sacredly the bones that
marked this as a
place of human slaughter, put in order the field-pieces
that were still
upon the ground, served them with a round of three times
three, over the
remains of their fallen comrades, and erected a fortress,
appropriately
naming it Fort Recovery.
The army at
different points had skirmishes with the enemy that were not
serious, but they
served to create confidence and inspire courage in the
minds of the
soldiers.
It was not until
the 20th of August, 1794, that General Wayne had a
regular engagement
with the Indians. Yet like a true gladiator he had been
preparing for the
struggle, and his wariness, which had gained for him the
title of
"_Black Snake_" may be gathered from the speech of Little Turtle,
chief of the
Miamis, and one of the most active and brave warriors of his
time. He counselled
his countrymen to think favorably of the proposals of
peace offered by
General Wayne before giving them battle; saying,--"We
have beaten the
enemy twice under separate commanders. We cannot expect
the same good
fortune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a
chief who never
sleeps. The night and the day are alike to him; and during
all the time he has
been marching on our villages, notwithstanding the
watchfulness of our
young men, we have never been able to surprise him.
There is something
that whispers to me,--_it would be prudent to listen to
his offers of
peace_."
But this counsel
was rejected by the Indians, who determined to give
battle to the
Americans the next day. They fought in the vicinity of a
British fort, which
Governor Simcoe of Canada had caused to be erected at
the foot of the
rapids of the Miami emptying into the lakes, far within
the acknowledged
territory of the United States.
The ground occupied
by the Indians was well chosen, being a thick wood,
where were old
fallen trees that marked the track of some ancient
hurricane, where
the use of cavalry would be impracticable, a place suited
to afford them
shelter and well adapted to their peculiar mode of warfare.
But the order of
General Wayne to advance with trailed arms, and rouse the
Indians from their
covert at the point of the bayonet, and when up deliver
a close and well
directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge,
so as not to give
them time to load again; was executed so promptly, and
with so much effect
that the Indians were driven in one hour more than two
miles, and soon
dispersed in terror and dismay, leaving the ground in full
and quiet
possession of the victorious army.
This battle, which
terminated within reach of the British guns, decided
the fate of the
campaign. The Indians after this were dispirited and
unable to make a
general rally. The distrust awakened by the coolness of
their supposed
friends, the gates of whose fort remained unopened while
they were fleeing
thither for a covert, served not less than the victory
to dishearten them,
and incline their thoughts toward peace.
The few days spent
by the army on the battle ground after its victory,
were occupied in
destroying the property of the Indians in that vicinity,
including also the
extensive possessions of Colonel McKee, an officer of
the British Indian
Department, whose influence had been exerted in
promoting these
hostilities, whose effects were now being experienced. The
fort itself was
poised in the General's mind, as was also the torch of the
gunner, who was
only restrained by his commanding officer from firing upon
Wayne, who, as he
thought came too near, in making his observations on one
of His Majesty's
forts. Prudence prevailed. The fighting was confined to a
war of words in a
spirited correspondence between General Wayne, and the
officer in command
of the fort.
General Wayne after
laying waste their principal towns in this region,
continued in the
Indian country during the following year, bringing his
campaign to a close
by a treaty with the North-western tribes, which was
entirely agreeable
to the wishes of the United States.
CHAPTER X.
Canandaigua at an
early day--Facts in the early settlement of Bloomfield--
Indian Council--Its
object--Indian parade--Indian dress--Opening of
Council--Speeches--Liberal
offers of the government--Mr. Savary's Journal
--Treaty concluded--Account
of Red Jacket by Thomas Morris.
Canandaigua at an
early day was the objective point for all who were
seeking what was
called the Genesee country. It was at the head of
navigation. Parties
coming from the east could transport their goods by
water from Long
Island Sound to Canandaigua, with the exception of one or
two carrying
places, where they were taken by land.
We can hardly
realize that at that time there was here a widely extended
forest, in all its
loneliness and grandeur. Its first trees were cut down
in the fall of
1788, soon after Mr. Phelps had concluded his treaty of
purchase with the
Indians. By means of them a log store-house was
constructed, near
the outlet of the lake. The family of a Mr. Joseph Smith
took possession of
it in the spring of 1789. Judge J. H. Jones, who in the
fall of 1788, was
one of a party to open a road between Geneva and
Canandaigua,
witnessed, on revisiting the latter place in 1789, a great
change.
"When we
left," he says, "in the fall of '88, there was not a solitary
person there;--when
I returned fourteen months afterwards, the place was
full of people;
residents, surveyors, explorers, adventurers; houses were
going up; it was a
thriving, busy place." During the following year quite
a nucleus for a
town had gathered here. In 1794, Mrs. Sanborne, an
enterprising
landlady, whose eye kindled with the recollection of those
days, served up in
a tea saucer the first currants produced in the Genesee
country. [Footnote:
Conversation of the author with Mrs. Sanborne.]
Canandaigua at that
time and for many years after was head-quarters for
all who were making
their way into what at that time was called the Indian
country, and from
the respectability and enterprise of its early
inhabitants, it
became attractive as a place of residence.
But though
considerable improvements had been made here, the entire region
was new, romantic
and wild. Such was its condition at the time of the
great Indian
council that convened here in the autumn of 1794. Indians and
deer, and wolves,
and bear were very abundant and were mingled with the
early associations
of those who contributed to make this an abode of
elevation and
refinement. The cow-boy, often startled while on his way by
the appearance of a
bear, went timidly forth on his evening errand,
inspired with
courage by the thought that he might, for his protection,
shoulder a gun.
Bear incidents, narrow escapes from fighting with bears,
and bear stories of
every description, entered largely into the staple of
their conversation,
and many an evening's hour was thus beguiled away,
around the huge and
brightly blazing fire of the early pioneer.
"Did you
hear," said a Mrs. Chapman to a Mrs. Parks, how neighbor Codding
came near being
killed yesterday?
"Mercy! no.
How did it happen?
"Mr. Codding
was in the woods splitting rails, and just as he was turning
around to take up
his axe to cut a sliver, don't you believe he saw a
great bear sitting
up on his hind legs, and holding out both fore paws
ready to grab
him."
"Mercy on us!
What did he do?
"What did he
do? He took up his axe, and instead of cutting the sliver,
cut into the old
bear's head. But the axe glanced and only cut into the
flesh, without killing
the bear, and he ran away with the axe sticking
fast in the wound.
"Awful! Awful!
How thick the bears are getting to be! Husband says they
have killed off
most all of our hogs.
"Your hogs!
Just think once, there was a great bear came the other night
and got hold of a
hog in Asahel Sprague's hog-pen, and would have killed
him, if Mr. Sprague
hadn't shot the old fellow.
"Yes, and last
summer when Mr. Sperry was gone off to training, there was
a bear came in the
day time and tackled one of their hogs right in their
own door yard; but
Mrs. Sperry and the children screamed so awfully, and
gave him such a
tremendous clubbing, he was glad to put off into the woods
again.
"Ha! Ha! She was
about up to Jim Parker, who broke a bear's back with a
hand-spike in
driving him out of his corn field, just as he was climbing
over the
fence." [Footnote: Facts which transpired in the early history of
Bloomfield. See
Turner's History.]
Wolves were equally
if not more numerous, destroying in some instances
entire flocks of
sheep, so that there was not a farmer in the region who
did not suffer more
or less from their depredations.
It was something of
an off-set to these annoyances that deer were very
abundant, and
furnished the inhabitants with an ample supply of their
delicious meat. The
Indians while assembled here during the council, often
killed more than a
hundred of them in a single day.
The object of
convening this council was to settle difficulties of long
standing, and quiet
the minds of the Iroquois, who were much disturbed by
the warlike spirit
prevailing at this time among the Indians at the West.
The influences from
this source were of such a nature as to render many
among these
friendly tribes exceedingly bold. In some instances on
entering the houses
of settlers they would manifest a very haughty temper,
and rudely demand a
supply of their wants as though they were still
proprietors and
lords of the soil, and the settlers only their servants or
tenants.
The settlers
themselves began to feel unpleasantly about their position.
During the spring
of this same year while Thomas Morris was painting his
house, erected the
previous summer, and making other improvements around
it, indicating his
design of having a permanent and inviting home, it so
happened that a
company of settlers in passing by, paused to view with
astonishment what
was going on. From a feeling of insecurity they had just
abandoned their new
locations in this region, and had come thus far on
their way, having
resolved to return to the more safe and quiet homes they
had left at the
east. But beholding the enterprise of Mr. Morris, and the
business and thrift
that prevailed here on every side, they inferred that
their situation
could not be so very precarious, and wisely concluded to
return and carry
forward the improvements commenced by themselves.
The Indian council,
held during the months of October and November, had
been appointed
before the victory of General Wayne, noticed in the
preceding chapter,
had transpired. This had much to do in giving a
favorable turn to
the proceedings, and of securing those pacific relations
with the Iroquois,
that were then established. Before this these tribes
and the Indians
generally were stimulated with the idea that they might
form and maintain
in the North-west an independent nationality, that would
reflect once more
the pride and glory of the ancient dominion of the
Iroquois. But when
the news of this signal victory was circulated among
them, their spirits
were humbled and broken. They seemed to relinquish
this dream of
greatness, and gave themselves up to the stern demands of an
evident necessity.
This sad intelligence, however, did not reach them
until the council
had been for several days in progress. Its first opening
was darkened by no
cloud of evil. There was nothing to hinder the exercise
of that proud
bearing with which their past greatness, and a hopeful
future inspired
them.
They began to
assemble by the arrival of the Oneidas on the eleventh of
October. The
Onondagas, Cayugas, and a part of the Senecas, led by
Farmer's Brother,
came in on the fourteenth. Cornplanter at the head of
the Allegany clan
of Senecas arrived on the sixteenth, and Red Jacket with
his, on the
eighteenth.
On assembling, a
degree of dignity and decorum was manifested, which
served to indicate
their ideas of the forms and proprieties due to the
occasion. Before
reaching the council fire the chiefs and warriors halted,
carefully decorated
themselves after their manner, and then marched to
meet those
appointed to confer with them on the part of the government,
and after passing
around and encircling them, with the train, the leader
stepped forth,
formally announced their arrival in obedience to the
summons they had
received, at the same time delivering the belt brought by
the messenger sent
to call them together.
The next tribe that
came, halted and prepared themselves as the others,
were received by
the tribe or tribes already on the ground, who also
arrayed themselves
in their uniform, and having received their welcome,
salutes being fired
and returned, they marched all together and formed in
a circle around the
commissioners, when the same ceremony was observed, as
before, of
delivering the belt. They proceeded thus until all the Indians
had assembled to
the number of about sixteen hundred.
It was an occasion
for the display of Indian pageantry, and though it may
have been more rude
than among nations calling themselves civilized, it
was the same in its
essential elements, and this council was ushered in
with as true a
military spirit as though banners had been flying, bayonets
gleaming, and soldiers
marching to the liveliest, or most heart-stirring
sounds of music.
The uniform of the
Indian was not as the dress of the European,
ornamented,
epauletted, tinselled; it was a more simple, less expensive,
but not a less time
honored mode of adorning his person. Though his
military coat was
of paint of different colors with which he was striped
in a distinguishing
manner, he regarded it no doubt as gorgeous and gay.
Instead of the
gracefully waving plume he was bedecked with the feathers
of the kingly
eagle; beads and shells served in the place of military
buttons; and his
trophies in the chase, and in war, he regarded as forming
a prouder sash than
the richest scarf of scarlet or of blue.
Canandaigua, in
years gone by, has often witnessed scenes of proud
military display.
But never will there be witnessed so grotesque, and in
many respects so
imposing a parade as appeared on this occasion. The
neighboring forest
swarmed with life, and resounded with the wild yell and
deafening war-whoop
of the Indian. It was his gala day, and highly fitting
that before
surrendering these grounds forever to the dominion and usages
of another race, he
should come forth once more from his native wilds, and
depart in the
fullness of his strength, as the sun passing from under a
cloud, sheds his
full glory over the earth before sinking beneath the
western horizon.
This was his last day of pride on ground hallowed in the
memories of the
past.
The occasion called
forth an unusual attendance. It was known that Colonel
Pickering who had
been appointed to hold this treaty, would come prepared
to give them a
grand feast, and distribute among them a large amount of
money and of
clothing. Hence they all came. "For weeks before the treaty,
they were arriving
in squads from all their villages, and constructing
their camps in the
woods, upon the lake shore, and around the court-house
square. The little
village of whites was invested, overrun with the wild
natives. It seemed
as if they had deserted all their villages, and
transferred even
their old men, women and children to the feast, the
carousal, and the
place of gifts. The night scenes were wild and
picturesque; their
camp fires lighting up the forest, and their whoops and
yells creating a
sensation of novelty not unmingled with fear, with the
far inferior in
numbers who composed the citizens of the pioneer village
and the sojourners
of their own race." [Footnote: History of the Phelps
and Gorham
Purchase.]
The council was
formally opened on the eighteenth of October, by a speech
of condolence on
the part of the Oneidas and Onondagas, to the Senecas,
Cayugas, Tuscaroras
and Delawares, some of whom were present, on account
of the death of a
number of their chiefs since the last meeting.--It was
with a view to
"_wipe away their tears,--brighten their faces, and clear
their
throats_,"--that they might speak freely at the council fire.
Red Jacket in reply
made a very sympathetic, and as it was regarded at the
time, beautiful
address, presenting belts and strings of wampum to
"_unite each
to the other as the heart of one man_."
Next was given a
speech of congratulation by Colonel Pickering, who
appointed a council
of condolence on the following Monday for the
Delawares, who were
mourning for a young brother killed by a white man.
The ceremony of
burying the dead,--covering the grave with leaves to
obscure it from
sight,--of burying the hatchet taken from the head of the
victim, thus
representing his death by violence,--of covering it with
stones and pulling
up and planting over it a pine tree, so that in after
years it should
never be disturbed; of wiping the blood from the head of
the victim, and
tears from the eyes of the mourners,--these things
represented by
speech and action having been performed, the council was
opened in earnest
on the day following.
In reply to Colonel
Pickering's remarks of the preceding day respecting
peace, and upon
keeping the chain of friendship bright, Fish Carrier, an
aged and influential
chief, in a speech of some length recounted the
history of the
whites and of their intercourse with the red men from their
first settlement in
this country. He referred to the manner in which they
had been received,
to the friendship, that had existed before the
controversy of the
United States with Great Britain, and to the
negotiations that
had taken place since that time, the grievances they had
suffered, dwelling
particularly upon the dissatisfaction still existing
among them about
the treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1784. "The commissioners
were too grasping,
they demanded of us too much." But as they had taken
hold of the chain
of friendship with the fifteen fires they were disposed
to hold fast; but
he thought it needed brightening up a little.
Colonel Pickering
in reply to them said they ought not to think very hard
of them about that
treaty, for they had just come out of a long and bloody
war, and as they
had been victorious the Six Nations ought not to blame
them for feeling a
little proud; and they ought not to be surprised, in
view of what had
taken place during the war, if the commissioners were
somewhat severe.
A deputation from
the Quakers was present at this council, and their
address being read
and interpreted, was received by the Indians with much
satisfaction.
At the opening of
the council the next day, a request was presented by
some of the Indian
women, who desired that their views might be heard; and
permission being
granted, Red Jacket spake in their behalf.
He represented that
the women had taken a deep interest in everything
pertaining to the
wellfare of their nation; and he requested the sachems
and warriors, as
well as the commissioner, to give an attentive
consideration to
the views of those he had been chosen to represent. They
had attended upon
the council, had listened to all that had been said, and
they desired it to
be understood that their views were in accordance with
those of their
sachems and chiefs. They felt that the white people had
caused them a great
deal of suffering. The white people had pressed and
squeezed them
together until their hearts were greatly pained, and they
thought the white
people ought to give back all their lands. A white woman
had told the
Indians to repent; [Footnote: Referring to Jemima Wilkinson.]
they wished in turn
to call upon the white people to repent; they needed
to repent as much
as the Indians; and they hoped the white people would
repent and not
wrong the Indians any more.
The commissioner
thanked them for their speech, saying he had a high
respect for the
women, and would be happy to hear from them whenever they
had anything to
say.
After several days
had passed without coming to anything decisive in
regard to the main
object of the council; Colonel Pickering called their
attention to the
fact of their grievances, saying they had been together
sometime and talked
them over and had found but two rusty places in the
chain of
friendship, one of which they had already brightened. But the
other spot they
thought was too deep to be cleared up. It related to their
lands. He then
showed them maps which clearly pointed out the limits
agreed upon in
their treaties, and by a distinct statement of the
negotiations and
treaties that had been made at different times with them,
and afterward
confirmed, proving that the claims of the United States were
just, he declared
himself ready to stipulate concerning their grievances,
that they should
still have the privilege of hunting upon the lands they
had ceded, and that
their settlements thereon should remain undisturbed.
He further assured
them that the United States would increase their
annuity from
fifteen hundred to four thousand five hundred dollars, to say
nothing about the
presents he had brought them amounting to ten thousand
dollars. These he
would distribute in case of a favorable termination of
their council. He
hoped in view of these liberal offers they would dismiss
their complaints,
bury the hatchet deep and take hold of the chain of
friendship so
firmly as never again to have it torn from their grasp.
The Indians
appeared to be pleased with these offers, and promising to
regard them
favorably, spent several days in deliberating among
themselves,
inviting to their councils the Quakers, a deputation of whom,
as we remarked were
present. William Savary, one of their number made the
following
interesting note of his observations at the time.--
"Oct. 30.
After dinner John Parrish and myself rode to view the Farmer's
Brother's
encampment which contained about five hundred Indians. They are
located by the side
of a brook in the woods: having built about seventy or
eighty huts, by far
the most commodious and ingeniously made of any I have
seen. The principal
materials are bark, and boughs of trees, so nicely put
together as to keep
the family dry and warm. The women as well as the men
appeared to be
mostly employed. In this camp there are a large number of
pretty children,
who in all the activity and buoyancy of health, were
diverting
themselves according to their fancy. The vast number of deer
they have killed,
since coming here, which they cut up and hang round
their huts inside
and out to dry, together with the rations of beef, which
they draw daily,
give the appearance of plenty to supply the few wants to
which they are
subjected. The ease and cheerfulness of every countenance,
and the
delightfulness of the afternoon, which the inhabitants of the
woods seemed to
enjoy with a relish far superior to those who are pent up
in crowded and
populous cities, all combined to make this the most
pleasant visit I
have yet made to the Indians; and induced me to believe
that before they
became acquainted with the white people, and were
infected with their
vices, they must have been as happy a people as any in
the world. In
returning to our quarters we passed by the Indian council,
where Red Jacket
was displaying his oratory to his brother chiefs on the
subject of Colonel
Pickering's proposals."
Mr. Savary again
observes:--"Red Jacket visited us with his wife and five
children, whom he
had brought to see us. They were exceedingly well clad,
in their manner,
and the best behaved and prettiest Indian children I have
ever met
with." [Footnote: As quoted by Col. Stone.]
Various councils
and deliberations with the Indians, resulted finally in
the conclusion of a
treaty, which was quite satisfactory to all the
parties.--By this
treaty peace was again declared to be firmly
established, the
different tribes were confirmed in their reservations,
and lands that had
not been sold, the boundaries of which were accurately
described, and the
United States engaged never to claim these lands, or
disturb the Six
Nations in the free use and enjoyment of them. The Six
Nations pledged
themselves also not to claim any other lands within the
boundaries of the
United States, nor disturb the people of the United
States in the free
use and enjoyment thereof. It was stipulated also that
the United States
should have the right of way for a public road from Fort
Schlosser to Lake
Erie, have a free passage through their lands, and the
free use of harbors
and rivers adjoining and within their respective
tracts of land, for
the passing and securing of vessels and boats, and
liberty to land
their cargoes, where necessary for their safety.
In consideration of
these engagements the United States were to deliver
the presents, and
pay the annuity as already intimated in the promise of
Colonel Pickering.--The
money thus pledged was to be expended yearly
forever in
purchasing clothing, domestic animals, implements of husbandry,
and other utensils
suited to their circumstances, and for compensating
useful artificers
who might be employed for their benefit.
It was further
agreed that for injuries done by individuals on either
side, private
revenge should not take place, but that complaint be made by
the injured party
to the nation to which the offender belonged, and that
such measures were
then to be pursued as should be necessary for the
preservation of
peace and friendship. [Footnote: Indian Treaties. Favored
with a copy by O.
Parrish. Esq., of Canandaigua, N. Y.]
The conclusion of
this treaty was regarded as a great point gained.
Previous to this
time, such of the Iroquois as remained in their ancient
seats, were but
partially reconciled to the United States, and were
oscilating in their
friendship. But henceforth they were uniformly
steadfast in the
allegiance they had promised.
The holding of this
council was further useful in withdrawing the
attention of this
large body of Indians with their warriors, who had been
earnestly solicited
to join their hostile brethren at the West.
During the progress
of the council there were several speeches made, but
as they are not of
special interest or importance they have not been
given. Colonel
Stone mentions an evening when quite a number of the chiefs
dined with Colonel
Pickering. He says,--"Much good humor prevailed on this
occasion. The
Indians laid aside their stoicism, indulged in many
repartees, and
manifested the keenest relish for wit and humor. Red
Jacket, in
particular, was conspicuous for the readiness and brilliance of
his sallies."
[Footnote: Col. Stone's Life and Times of Red Jacket.]
Not far from this
time, and with reference it is believed to this treaty,
Thomas Morris
says,--"Red Jacket was, I suppose, at that time about thirty
or thirty-five
years of age, of middle height, well formed, with an
intelligent countenance,
and a fine eye; and was in all respects a fine
looking man. He was
the most graceful public speaker I have ever known;
his manner was most
dignified and easy. He was fluent, and at times witty
and sarcastic. He
was quick and ready at reply. He pitted himself against
Colonel Pickering,
whom he sometimes foiled in argument. The colonel would
sometimes become
irritated and lose his temper; then Red Jacket would be
delighted and show
his dexterity in taking advantage of any unguarded
assertion of the
colonel's. He felt a conscious pride in the conviction
that nature had
done more for him, than for his antagonist."
"A year or two
after this treaty, when Colonel Pickering from post master
general, became
secretary of war, I informed Red Jacket of his promotion.
--'Ah!' said
he,--'We began our public career about the same time; he knew
how to read and
write; I did not, and he has got ahead of me.--If I had
known how to read
and write I _should have got ahead of him_.'"
CHAPTER XI.
Valley of the
Genesee--Indian misgivings--Mill yard--Effort to obtain
their land--Council
at Big Tree--Coming of the Wadsworths--Indian villages
--Refusal to
sell--Discussion between Red Jacket and Thomas Morris--
Breaking up of the
Council.
The valley of the
Genesee was a favorite resort of the Indian. His trail
led along its banks
and brought him at short intervals to Indian villages,
or the
head-quarters of Indian chiefs. Its flats were broad and beautiful,
and were bordered
on either side by hills that rose gradually to their
summit, where they
stretched out into extensive table lands. These hills,
as we ascend the
valley gradually become higher and higher, until we are
brought into the
vicinity of mountain elevations, where the scenery
becomes very
romantic, and the country much broken. The valley itself is
almost of uniform
width from its commencement, a few miles south of the
city of Rochester,
to the pleasant and thriving village of Mount Morris.
Here these flats
which are quite extensive and exceedingly rich and
beautiful, appear
to leave the river and follow its tributary, the
Canaseraga, to a
point about sixteen miles above; diminishing somewhat in
width as they
ascend, until they come near the present village of
Dansville, where the
hills again recede and forming a large basin, enclose
it on the south,
presenting the appearance of a magnificent amphitheater.
The Canaseraga is
here joined by two streams, Stony Brook and Mill Creek,
which flow down
from the highlands beyond, over precipices, and through
gorges deep and
wild, where rugged cliffs defying all attempts at culture,
rise abruptly at
times, from one to three hundred feet on either side. The
Indian's trail
conducted him to these wilds, which still remain the most
unchanged of all
his ancient haunts. Here are solitudes seldom visited by
man, where are
treasured sublimities that enchain the mind, and inspire a
feeling of devotion
in the heart of the beholder. Here the Indian,
undisturbed by
other sights or sounds, may yet listen to the voice of the
waterfall as it
sounded in the ear of his fathers, or to the gentle murmur
of the stream
discoursing now, as it did to them, in passing hurriedly
over its rocky bed.
[Footnote: Who would ever suspect that a railroad
would stride across
any of these deep chasms? How presumptuous.]
Beyond this point
the Canaseraga itself, as it flows from its source among
the hills bordering
on Pennsylvania, passes often through deep ravines,
narrow defiles, and
overhanging cliffs. The same is true also of the
Genesee river above
Mount Morris. Its course is marked by scenery rarely
surpassed in
sublimity and grandeur. [Footnote: The High Banks, as they
are called, near
Mt. Morris, and a similar formation, together with the
falls, near
Portage, have attracted the attention, and are often visited
by the tourist.--J.
N. H.]
The Indian as he
followed his trail leading up along its banks, paused
often to listen to
the thunder of its waterfalls, or to watch its course
while threading its
way at the bottom of ravines, hundreds of feet beneath
the jutting point
where he was standing. The territory marked by this
river was
unsurpassed in the magnificence and beauty of its scenery, and
in the variety and
richness of its soil; and the Indian who lived for the
most part in the
open world, found here a home congenial to his spirit,
and he loved it.
The white man saw and loved it too. But he loved it not
as the Indian, who
looked upon it as already complete. The hills brought
him venison, the
valleys corn, and the streams on every side abounded in
fish, the beautiful
speckled trout, which fairly swarmed in all of these
waters. What could
he want more? He loved it as it was; just as it came
from the forming
hand of the Great Spirit.
The white man loved
it for what he saw he could make of it; but how little
he thought his
making, would mar the desirableness and beauty of the
Indian's home. He
had already obtained of the Indian a title to all his
land lying on the
east side of this river. He had even been allowed to
cross over to the
west side, and look upon that generous _Mill Yard_,
twelve miles
square, as his own. A very extensive gift it is true, but as
it was proposed to
erect at the Genesee falls a saw mill, which was
claimed to be a
vastly benevolent institution, and would be useful to the
Indians as well as
whites, inasmuch as it would save the immense labor of
splitting and
hewing logs for plank, as they were going to make the water
of the river split
the logs and hew them at the same time; it was claimed
that this surrender
on the part of the Indians, would be but a just offset
against the
self-denial, great expense, and severe labor of the whites, in
establishing so
benign an institution as a _saw mill_, in these western
wilds. This is one
among many instances of the benevolence of the white
man toward the
Indian.
If the Genesee
country was prized by the Indian, it was regarded with a
wishful eye by the
white man. And as he had obtained what was on the east
side of the Genesee
river, he was not content without a larger portion on
the west. Already
the tide of emigration had brought him to the utmost
limit of his
possessions, and he could hardly refrain from looking, with a
wishful eye, upon
the fertile fields lying beyond.
The Indian on the
other hand, began to feel uneasy about having sold so
much of his land.
He regretted very much the permission he had given the
white man to own
one foot of ground, on the west side of the Genesee
river. Natural
boundaries with him weighed more than with the white man;
and had the white
man's possessions been confined strictly to the east
side of the river,
he would have felt better satisfied though it had cost
him a larger area
of ground. The white man's mode of running lines and of
measuring land, he
did not comprehend or appreciate. But when the line was
made by a creek,
river, or mountain, he understood it, and it harmonized
better with his
views of fitness, in dividing up the surface of this great
earth. He was
utterly unschooled in the art of computing by acres and
roods. But the
water's edge he had traversed with his light canoe, and
with every point
and islet on the lakes he was familiar. He had followed
the rivers to where
they came bubbling up from their rocky bed amid
mountain
elevations, and there was not a tributary stream or run, by whose
side he had not
rested, or by whose music he had not been charmed, keeping
pace with it, as it
went innocently busying and babbling along on its
downward way. With
any or all of these landmarks he was familiar, and when
fixed upon as
boundaries, he could readily recur to, and religiously keep
them; for they had
been made by the Great Spirit, and it was his life-
study to know them.
Not satisfied with
the large purchase already made, the white man
contemplated still
greater acquisitions of Indian land. Little did the red
man suspect, while
roaming unmolested over his native hills, that in
civilized circles,
the advantages and disadvantages of his cherished home
were canvassed, and
made the subject of negotiation and purchase. And it
awakened his
deepest surprise when assured, that without his knowledge or
consent, his land
had been sold. He was not aware that his ignorance of
the value of his
country, for the purposes of civilization, was made a
subject of barter
among his superiors in knowledge, and that men of
enterprize were
willing to pay for the privilege of making a bargain with
him for his lands.
This right, as we
have seen, was claimed by the government; Massachusetts
holding the right
of buying the Indian lands in Western New York. This
right, under
sanction of which the Phelps and Gorham purchase was made,
was in part sold,
as related in a preceding chapter. The pre-emptive right
to the remainder
was bought by Robert Morris in the spring of 1791. He re-
sold soon after, to
a company of gentlemen in Holland; pledging himself to
survey the entire
tract, and extinguish the Indian title. Thirty-five
thousand pounds
sterling of the purchase money were retained, as a
guaranty of his
fulfilling these engagements.
It became an object
therefore for Mr. Morris to obtain, at as early a
period as
practicable, a conference with the Indians, and their consent to
sell this land.
Owing to their extreme reluctance to part with any more
land, he had not
been able to persuade them to appoint a council for this
purpose, and
committed the further prosecution of this to his son Thomas.
Hence the occasion
given to notice the presence of Thomas Morris at the
Indian councils,
particularly that at Tioga Point. For several years he
had been
cultivating an acquaintance with the Indians, residing in their
midst, attending
their councils, and making himself generally agreeable;
and by means of his
own personal influence with the chiefs, and unwearied
exertions he gained
their permission to hold a council, which assembled at
Big Tree, the
present site of Genesee, in August, 1797.
This had already
become the residence of the white man. James and William
Wadsworth, from
Durham, Conn., had emigrated hither as early as the year
1790. Under their
auspices a new settlement had been commenced. On rising
ground which
commanded a fine view of the flats, stood their large block
house. The same
site has still its attractions, for what at a later day,
was the old
Wadsworth mansion.
The coming of the
Wadsworths into this region, which was still in
possession of the
Indians, and their prominence in its subsequent history,
would seem to
justify a more extended notice.
In the spring of
1790, James Wadsworth, then a young man of twenty-two,
was debating with
himself the question of his future calling in life. He
had graduated at
Yale College in the fall of '87:--had spent the winter of
'87 and '88, at
Montreal, Canada, teaching school. He had no thought of
teaching as his
life-work, and what would he do next? was his earnest
inquiry. Some one
suggested that he should study medicine; but this did
not suit him. As he
had received a liberal education, it was further
intimated that he
should lead a professional life and become a lawyer, or
a minister.
After duly
considering the matter, choosing for this purpose the
retirement of a
neighboring wood, he returned the answer,--"I am not
satisfied with
either of these professions."
"What will you
do, then?" was the inquiry. He replied, "I know God has
made me for
something, and I am trying to find out what that is."
With his mind thus
unsettled, he determined to visit his uncle, Colonel
Jeremiah Wadsworth,
of Hartford. This uncle had pursued a sea-faring life,
entering upon it at
first for the benefit of his health, and following it
afterward, from a
love for the employment. From a sailor before the mast,
he came to be mate,
and captain, and at the breaking out of the
Revolutionary war
he had retired from the sea, and had settled at
Hartford, Conn. He
was appointed commissary of the Connecticut line, and
subsequently had
important trusts committed to his charge, by his own
State, and also by
the Congress at Philadelphia, having reference to the
pay, clothing and
subsistence of the Continental troops.
In the discharge of
his official duties he had formed an acquaintance with
Oliver Phelps; and
after Mr. Phelps had secured an interest in the Genesee
country, he
represented its advantages to Colonel Wadsworth in such
glowing colors, as
led him to purchase a considerable tract of land in
that region. Being
a man of wealth and advanced in life, he had no thought
of emigrating
thither, but designed to provide for his interests by
employing an agent.
As soon as James
Wadsworth arrived at the house, he was met at the door by
his uncle, who
eagerly grasped his hand and exclaimed,--"James, I am glad
you have come, you
are the very man I have been wanting to see."
It was not long
before they were deeply engaged in discussing the Genesee
question, this
becoming the chief topic of conversation during the visit.
As the result,
James purchased on advantageous terms a part of the tract
at Big Tree, and
became agent for the remaining lands, qualified by the
condition that his
brother William would consent to accompany him in the
proposed
emigration. [Footnote: Conversation of the author with Nehemiah
Hubbard, Esq., of
Middletown, Conn., and statements in Turner's History.]
The two brothers
jointly entered upon the undertaking, and commenced
preparations for
their journey into this, at that time, far-off
wilderness. An ox
cart, and ox team, are in wide contrast with the
conveniences of
travel enjoyed at present. Yet with these, and two or
three hired men,
and a colored woman, a favorite slave belonging to the
family, William set
forth to encounter the vicissitudes and dangers
involved in the
enterprise. It was a slow and wearisome journey, most of
the way rough, and
some of the way requiring to be opened and prepared for
travel.
James, with
provisions and a small supply of household furniture, went by
the sound, the
Hudson, and the head of navigation on Canandaigua outlet.
He arrived at
Canandaigua three days in advance of his brother.
From this point
their journey was comparatively easy. They pursued the
route taken by
Sullivan in '79, yet not without having frequently to cut a
way for their team
and cart. They arrived at their point of destination on
the 10th of June,
1790.
Captain Horatio,
and John H. Jones preceded the Wadsworths, and other
families came into
the region soon after. But the country was full of
Indians. Their villages
swarmed with life in every direction. Ken-de-wah
or Big Tree, as
principal chief was at the head of a numerous clan,
located on the
bluffs near by. Not far from them on the river was a
village of the
Tuscaroras. Two miles below was Oneida Town, a large
village of Oneidas.
Near the present site of West Avon was another
principal village,
whose chief was Ga-kwa-dia, or Hot Bread. Above was
another large
village called Little Beard's Town, occupying the present
site of
Cuylerville. Further on were Allen's Hill, Squaky Hill and
Gardeau, the
residence of the "White Woman." Her husband was principal
chief of the clan
at this point. Further on at Nunda, was another village,
its principal
chiefs were Elk Hunter and Green Coat. Still higher up on
the river at
Caneadea, was another considerable village, whose chief was
John Hudson.
[Footnote: It was here the author's grandfather, as an Indian
prisoner, had to
run the gauntlet in the spring of 1782.
The author
remembers Hudson very well. Often visiting his grandfather's
house in Angelica,
N. Y. When a boy he often sat on Hudson's knee, whom he
regarded as a very
pleasant, kind Indian.]
These villages were
mostly in the vicinity of Big Tree, a region which at
that time was not
without its charms, and has since been regarded as
possessing
attractions in soil and scenery, unsurpassed by any in the
State.
It was here the
council, solicited by Thomas Morris, assembled.
The unfinished
block house of the Wadsworths was engaged for the
accommodation of
those particularly interested with Mr. Morris in
conducting the
council; and a large tent covered with boughs, and prepared
with rows of seats,
and a platform, furnished a place suited to their
deliberations.
The United States,
though not directly concerned as a party in this
council, were
interested in the welfare of the Indians, and appointed a
commissioner to
watch over their rights, and see that no injustice took
place.
Massachusetts reserved this right in the sale of her pre-emptive
title. Accordingly
Colonel Wadsworth of Connecticut, appeared as
commissioner on the
part of the United States, and General Wm. Shepard in
behalf of the
commonwealth of Massachusetts. William Bayard of New York
represented the
interests of the Holland company, and Mr. Morris, appeared
through his agents,
Thomas Morris and Colonel Williamson. The engagements
of Mr. Williamson
calling him away, the responsibility of conducting the
treaty devolved
upon Thomas Morris.
A large number of
Indians were present, brought together by the prospect
of good cheer, no
less than their interest in the object of their
assembling.
The council being
duly opened, the commissioners offered their
credentials, and
explained the reason of their appointment; after which
Mr. Morris presented
in a speech of some length, the object for which they
had been convened.
Representing the desire of his father to obtain by
purchase a part, or
all of their lands, and how much better it would be
for them to dispose
of all, except what were actually needed for
settlement, and
place the money at interest, than to retain in their
possession
uncultivated wastes, whose only value to them could be such as
were derived from
the chase; and that this advantage would not be lost,
for they could
still use it for hunting, the same as before. He concluded
by offering them
the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, for the entire
tract that remained
to them in the State, allowing them such reservations
as might be needed
for actual use.
The Indians after
deliberating for a time returned an unfavorable answer;
saying "they
did not wish to part with any more of their land."
Mr. Morris replied,
urging them to reconsider the case, that they ought
not to decide
hastily, setting before them in various ways the favorable
terms he had
proposed.
After deliberating
once more, they returned the answer they had already
given.
Meetings and
speeches thereupon succeeded; Farmer's Brother, Cornplanter,
Little Billy,
Little Beard, and Red Jacket, taking part in the discussion,
the chief burden of
which fell upon the latter.
When Mr. Morris
urged upon their attention the liberal sum he had proposed
to pay for their
lands:--
Red Jacket
replied,--"We are not yet convinced that it is best for us to
dispose of them at
any price."
"But,"
said Mr. Morris, "what value can they be to you as they now are,
any further than
the consciousness that you own them?"
"Yes,"
said Red Jacket, _but this knowledge is everything to us. It
raises us in our
own estimation. It creates in our bosoms a proud feeling
which elevates us
as a nation_. Observe the difference between the
estimation in which
a Seneca and an Oneida are held. We are courted, while
the Oneidas are
considered as a degraded people, fit only to make
_brooms_ and
_baskets. Why this difference_? It is because the
Senecas are known
to be the proprietors of a _broad domain_, while the
Oneidas are _cooped
up in a narrow space_."
"Ah,"
said Mr. Morris, "you presume too much in regard to the consequence
of your nation. It
is far from being as great as you seem to suppose; and
in proof of this
let me refer you to the manner in which your deputation
to the Miamis was
received in 1793. Though large and composed of many of
the first men of
your nation, it had but little influence."
"Very
true," replied Red Jacket, "_and why_? It was because we were in
_bad company. We
went with the pale faces_. Had we gone alone, we
should have been
treated with the _dignity which belongs to the Senecas
throughout the
world_."
While Red Jacket
was still standing some one interposed the remark,--
"_he's a
coward_." Turning round with a look of contempt, and in tone
and manner
expressing the deepest sarcasm, he said,--"YES, I AM A COWARD."
And then waving his
hand over the broad and beautiful lands that were
spread out before
them, added: "_assure me that you can create lands like
these, which the
Great Spirit has made for us his red children, so that
you can give us
lands like them in return, and I will be brave:_ UNTIL
THEN, I AM A
COWARD,--I DARE NOT SELL THESE LANDS." [Footnote:
Conversation of the
author with Wm. Jones.]
The commissioners
together with the agent of the Holland company, who had
been looking on and
anxiously observing the proceedings for about two
weeks, began to
regard the undertaking as hopeless, and urged Mr. Morris
to use more
decisive means with them, and bring them to terms one way or
the other.
Though contrary to
Mr. Morris' convictions from his knowledge of the
Indian character,
as to its being the best method to pursue, he yielded to
their
solicitations; and when the Indians presented him the offer of a
single township on
the line of Pennsylvania, at one dollar an acre, Red
Jacket assuring him
that he could sell this at a sufficient advance, to
pay for the trouble
and expense of the treaty, he told them if that was
all they could
offer, they might return to their homes, for the sooner
their conference
was ended the better.
Red Jacket
thereupon sprang to his feet and said, "You have now come to
the point to which
I wished to bring you. You told us in your first
address, that even
in the event of our not agreeing to sell our lands, we
would part friends.
Here then is my hand." Mr. Morris taking his hand, he
then added; "I
now cover up the council fire."
CHAPTER XII.
Interview between
Farmer's Brother and Thomas Morris--Mr. Morris addresses
the
women--Distributes presents--Negotiations continued--Treaty concluded
with the women and
warriors--Manner of payment--Inquiries about a Bank--
Their
reservations--White woman--Young King's dissent--Charge of
insincerity.
The Indians
appeared to regard the breaking up of the council at Big Tree,
with great
satisfaction. Their joy was unbounded; they made the forest
ring with their
wild yells, inveighing loudly and insultingly against Mr.
Morris, and the
commissioners, and assuming such menacing attitudes, as
fairly to
intimidate those unaccustomed to their rude manners.
To all present but
Mr. Morris, the prospect of accomplishing any thing
after this seemed
utterly hopeless, and it was with some difficulty the
commissioners were
persuaded to remain, for the purpose of giving him the
opportunity of
another trial. Yet his hopes of success were so sanguine,
as to induce them
to tarry a short time longer.
The day after the
breaking up of the council, Farmer's Brother called on
Mr. Morris,
expressed his regret at what had transpired, and the hope that
it might not
destroy the interest he had manifested for his nation.
"Certainly
not," said Mr. Morris,--"you had a right to refuse to sell your
lands;" but he
added, the treatment he had received from his people at the
close of the
council, especially in allowing a drunken warrior to menace
and insult him;
while they were yelling in approbation of his conduct, was
uncalled for, and
ungenerous. He had not deserved this from them. They had
for years had food
at his house in Canandaigua, and liquor as much as was
for their good, and
whenever any of them had been at Philadelphia, his
father had treated
them with equal kindness and hospitality.
Farmer's Brother
acknowledged that all this was true, and regretted that
the council fire
had been extinguished so hastily, or they might have had
a meeting, to
smooth over these difficulties.
"Yes,"--said
Mr. Morris, "and here is another ground of complaint. Red
Jacket assumed the
right of covering up the fire. This did not belong to
him. For according
to your custom, he only who kindles the council fire,
has a right to
cover it up."
"That is
so,"--said Farmer's Brother.
"Then as I did
not cover it up the council fire is still burning."
After thinking a
moment he replied,--"_Yes_:"--and appeared to be
pleased that it was
so, and proposed to have the council convene again.
Mr. Morris
signified his pleasure to delay a few days, to give him time to
look over his
accounts, pay for the provisions that had been consumed,
collect his cattle
that had not been slaughtered, and arrange other
matters preparatory
to his leaving the treaty ground.
He had become so
well acquainted with Indian customs, that he had resolved
upon another
expedient, when his negotiations with the sachems had failed.
It is a rule among
the Indians that their sachems shall have a right to
transact whatever
business belongs to their nation, whether relating to
their lands, or
anything else. But in transactions that concern their
lands, if their
course is not satisfactory to the women and warriors, they
have a right to
arrest the proceedings, and take the management into their
own hands. The
reason they assign for this practice is,--that the land
belongs to the
warriors, because they are the defense and strength of
their nation, and
to the women, because they are mothers of the warriors.
In their polity
therefore they recognize head or chief women, whose
privilege it is to
select a speaker to represent their views.
Mr. Morris
determined as a last resort, to refer his case to the chief
women and warriors.
He accordingly sought and obtained such a meeting.
He made known to
them his business, told them of the offer he had made
their sachems,
portrayed to them in glowing colors, the advantages they
would receive from
the annuity so large a sum would bring,--how it would
furnish them with
food and clothing, without any anxiety or toil on their
part, and that they
would thus be relieved of many hardships, which they
were now compelled
to endure.--That the sachems, who were unwilling to
sell the land,
always had enough to supply their wants.--That they could
kill game, and
feast on the meat, and go to the settlements and sell the
skins, and buy them
clothing. Hence they did not care to exchange their
land for money,
that would enable the women to obtain for themselves and
children food and
clothing, whereas they were now often compelled to go
hungry and naked.
By selling such a portion of their land as they had no
use for, they would
have the means of supplying their necessary wants, and
of making
themselves comfortable. He then displayed before them a large
supply of beads,
blankets, silver brooches, and various other ornaments,
of which the
natives were particularly fond, and said he had brought these
with the design of
making them presents, in the event of a successful
treaty. But in as
much as the women were not to blame for breaking off the
negotiations, he
was determined they should have the presents he had
intended for them.
He accordingly proceeded to distribute among sparkling
eyes, and joyous
hearts, the beauties and treasures, he had brought for
them.
These gifts proved
a most powerful addition to his argument, and were the
means of giving a
favorable turn to their counsels. For several days after
this the chiefs,
and women, and warriors, could be seen scattered about
here and there in
small parties, engaged in earnest conversation, which
resulted in a
renewal of their negotiations.
Mr. Morris was
informed that their council fire was still burning, and
that their business
might proceed,--but instead of being carried on by the
sachems, would be
conducted by the women and warriors.
Cornplanter being
the principal war-chief, appeared on this occasion in
their behalf.
He
said,--"They had seen with regret the misconduct of the sachems; that
they thought also
the action of Mr. Morris was too hasty; but still they
were willing the
negotiations should be renewed; and hoped they would be
conducted with
better temper on both sides."
Mr. Morris offered
a few conciliatory remarks in reply; and Farmer's
Brother, on the
part of the sachems, represented these proceedings of the
women and warriors,
as in accordance with the customs of their nation.
The way being thus
opened, the negotiations were readily carried forward
to a successful
termination.
They consented to
sell their lands for the sum proposed, which was one
hundred thousand
dollars, leaving their reservations to be settled, as
they could agree.
The simplicity of
the Indian character was apparent, in the eagerness with
which they desired
to know about a _Bank:_ the president having
directed that the
money they received for their lands, in case they were
sold, should be
invested for their benefit in stock of the United States
Bank; in the name
of the president, and his successors in office, as
trustees of the
Indians; they earnestly inquired,--_what is a Bank_?
Several attempts
were made at explanation, when finally they came to
understand, that
the United States Bank, at Philadelphia, was a large
place where their
money would be planted, and where it would grow, like
corn in the field.
As it was desirable
also for them to understand, that the dividends from
it might be greater
some years than others, this was explained by
referring to the
idea of planting, as they could know from experience,
that some years
they would have from the same ground a better crop than
others. Hence after
this when speaking to Mr. Morris about their money,
they would inquire
_what kind of a crop they were going to have that
year_?
Another point of
interest with them, was to ascertain _how large a pile,
the money they were
to receive, would make_?
This was shown them
by representing the number of kegs of a given size, it
would take to hold,
and the number of horses that would be necessary to
draw it.
These questions
being settled, the next point to be agreed upon, was the
size of their
reservations. Mr. Morris had stipulated, in case their
demands were
reasonable, no deduction would be made from the price they
were to receive.
But instead of moderate, very exhorbitant claims were
presented, growing
out of a degree of rivalry between different chiefs.
Their comparative
importance would be graduated in a measure by the size
of their domain,
and the number of people they would thus be enabled to
have about them;
hence they were individually ambitious of not being out-
done, in the size
of their reservations.
Red Jacket put in a
claim to about one-fourth of the entire tract
purchased.
Cornplanter desired about as much; and other chiefs were alike
ambitious in
securing extensive reservations; and they wished to have them
marked out by
natural boundaries, such as rivers, hills or the course of
streams. To all of
these demands Mr. Morris was obliged to give a stout
and resolute
denial, requiring them to fix upon a certain number of square
miles, which, in
the aggregate, should not be far from three hundred and
fifty.
Here also arose
difficulties about the size of their respective
allotments, which
they were unable to settle, so that Mr. Morris was
obliged to assume
the office of arbiter, and decide these for them, which
he accomplished
generally to their satisfaction.
In only one
instance did he depart from his purpose of not allowing
natural boundaries,
in describing their reservations. It was in case of
Mary Jemison, the
White Woman, who lived on the Genesee river, some few
miles above Mt.
Morris. Her history is one of singular interest, and as
belonging to this
region, and connected with the circumstances under
consideration, a
brief notice of this remarkable woman, will not be out of
place.
Hers is an instance
of the entire change that may be wrought, in the taste
and inclination, so
that instead of a civilized, a person may prefer an
uncultivated state
of society. Though descended from the whites, she
became so
thoroughly Indian in her feelings and habits, that she was
regarded as a
curiosity, and called by way of distinction--the "_White
Woman_."
She was born on the
ocean, while her parents were emigrating from Ireland
to this country,
about the year 1742 or 3. Her father and mother soon
after landing at
Philadelphia, removed to a frontier settlement of
Pennsylvania, lying
on what was called Marsh Creek. During the war between
the French and
English, she was taken captive with her parents, by a party
of Shawnee Indians.
On the way, her father and mother were killed. The
mother
anticipating, from tokens she had observed, what would be their
fate, advised her
child not to attempt an escape from the Indians, as she
most likely would
be taken again, and treated worse. But as a course
better adapted to
promote her welfare, she was told to try and please her
captors, adding as
her parting counsel,--"don't forget, my daughter, the
prayers I have
taught you,--repeat them often; be a good child, and may
God bless
you."
After this, under
various trials she went with the party, until they came
to Fort Du Quesne.
[Footnote: Afterwards called Fort Pitt, now the site of
Pittsburg.] Here
she was given to two Indian women, who were of the Seneca
nation, and lived
eighty miles below, on the Ohio river, at a place called
She-nan-jee. With
the usual ceremony observed by the Indians on such
occasions, she was
adopted into their family, and called De-ha-wa-mis. At
length under kind
treatment she began to feel as one of them. In time she
was married to a
young chief of the Delaware tribe, with whom she lived
happily for several
years in the Shawnee country. She became devotedly
attached to her
Indian husband, who treated her with marked tokens of
affection.
After a time she
welcomed with the joy of a young mother's heart, the
appearance in her
wigwam of a daughter, her first born. The bright morning
of her domestic joy
was soon overcast with sorrow; she is seen strewing
over her little
one's grave, the fallen leaves of autumn. She-nin-jee, her
Indian husband once
more became a father. Together they gladly embraced a
son. Their lonely
cabin after this was enlivened and cheered by his
childish prattle;
nothing now remained to interrupt the joy of the mother,
but the absence of
the father, whom the season of hunting, took far away
from his cherished
home. Yet with returning spring these toils are
forgotten, as he is
surrounded once more with the charms of the domestic
fireside. But at
length there came a spring whose joyful return, brought
not the long wished
for She-nin-jee, back to his lonely cabin. Many an
evening fire blazed
brightly to bid him welcome, yet he did not come.
Choice venison had
been dried and laid up for him, new skins had been
prepared and spread
for his couch, and many a silent hour whiled away with
thoughts of the
absent one, but he came not. His returning comrades
brought back the
sad news of his death. De-ha-wa-mis mourned long and
deeply for the
pride of her Indian wigwam. Her own kindred could not have
extended to her
more genuine sympathy, than did her new relatives by
adoption. They
kindly offered to take her back, if she desired to go, to
her former friends
among the whites, or if she chose to remain among them,
they promised to
give her a home of her own.
A part of her
Indian relatives lived in the valley of the Genesee, and
this was the
occasion of her removal there, from her home on the Ohio. A
few years
intervened, and she again became the wife of an Indian, the
distinguished
Seneca warrior Hio-ka-too. She resided with him until his
death, at Gardeau,
the place where she was living, at the time of her
appearance at this
treaty. The chiefs desired for her a special
reservation. To
this Mr. Morris readily assented, in case she would
specify a certain
number of acres.
She said to
him,--"I do not know any thing about acres, but I have some
improved
places;" pointing them out on the ground; "here a patch of
potatoes, there, a
few beans, and another still, where there's a little
corn." She
wished these might be embraced in her reservation, at the same
time giving
boundaries, which she thought would include them.
Mr. Morris owing to
the lateness of the hour, and the impatience of the
commissioners, gave
his consent to the boundary named, supposing it might
include a hundred
or a hundred and fifty acres. But much to his surprise,
the tract when
surveyed, was found to contain not less than seventeen
thousand, nine
hundred and twenty-seven acres. [Footnote: Indian Treaties,
p. 39. This
reservation has been variously represented to contain, four
thousand, and by
others a larger number of acres. Col. Stone makes it
thirty thousand.
The amount given in the text is that obtained by actual
survey of the
boundaries in question. They are as follows: "Beginning at
the mouth of Steep
Hill Creek, thence due east until it strikes the Old
Path, thence south
until a due west line will intersect with certain steep
rocks on the west
side of the Genesee river, thence extending due west,
due north, and due
east, until it strikes the first mentioned bound,
enclosing as much
land on the west side, as on the east side of the
river."
The survey by
Augustus Porter, surveyor, gives it 17,927.]
Mary Jemison, the
White Woman, had thus secured to her, according to the
pledge of the Indians
to give her a home, a princely domain, where for
years after in
primitive simplicity, she planted her beans, potatoes and
corn, and
maintained, as in former years, the usages of her Indian life.
The most of this
tract she afterward sold to John Grey and Henry B. Gibson
of Canandaigua; a
deed for which was executed bearing date of September
3d, 1823.
She retained for
her own use twelve hundred and eighty acres, and received
for the balance,
the sum of four thousand two hundred and eighty-six
dollars, or an
annuity of three hundred dollars forever.
The Senecas became
gradually dispossessed of their lands in the valley of
the Genesee, and in
the year 1825, removed to their reservation at
Buffalo. At the
time of their removal, the White Woman refused to part
with the residue of
her land, and continued to reside at the place, where
she had passed the
greater part of her long life, and which was now
endeared to her by
many associations in the past.
But here she soon
found herself surrounded by another race, and as time
advanced, she
longed to be among the people she had chosen for her
kindred, and
disposing of her possessions in the Genesee valley, removed
to Buffalo in 1831.
She had now upon
her the infirmities of age. Long had the parting
injunction of her
christian mother passed from memory. The religion as
well as habits of
the Indian, had become hers. Ninety summers had passed
over her head. The
missionary had visited her, and had been assured that
her faith had long
been in accord with that of the red man, and she had no
desire to change
her religious views.
But ere her last
hour came a voice reached her from the distant past. It
awakened memories
long forgotten. She sent for the missionary. He came and
stood by her. She
was almost withered away. Her small, shrivelled, finely
wrinkled face,
silvery hair, toothless mouth, the nose almost touching her
chin, and her thin,
wasted form, indicated the presence of second
childhood. The
memory of that long lost mother rushed back upon her mind.
She cried out in
anguish, as well as sincerity of heart, "Oh, God! have
mercy upon
me!" The prayer of her childhood returned; she instinctively
began to
say.--"_Our Father which art in heaven._"
As a child she received
the instructions of the missionary, and before
departing this
life, her soul was lighted up with a cheering hope, based
upon a reception of
the clear and living truths of Christianity.
No one had sought
to disturb the serenity of her advanced life, by
intruding upon her
the idea that she was a sinner. How came she to be thus
exercised? The
lessons given in childhood, availed more than sermons, and
impressions were
then made, which though apparently effaced, still
remained to be
quickened into life, and bring forth fruit, which cheered
the closing days of
her singularly eventful history.
With the settlement
of the White Woman's reservation, Mr. Morris regarded
the business of the
treaty, as about concluded. Yet a new obstacle was
presented by the
arrival of Young King, a descendant of "Old Smoke," a
renowned chief,
held in great veneration among the Senecas. None had ever
attained a greater
degree of power, or swayed a more commanding influence.
The son though not
possessing the high endowments of the father, yet when
he chose to exert
it, commanded an extensive hereditary influence, which
carried with it
great weight. Having been informed of the proceedings of
the council thus
far, he expressed his disapproval.
Cornplanter and
Farmer's Brother informed Mr. Morris that the treaty could
not be completed
contrary to the wishes of Young King; that however
unreasonable it
might appear to him, for one man to defeat the will of the
entire nation, it
was a power he received from his birth, and one of which
he could not be
deprived. Yet after much persuasion, Young King, though
not reconciled to
the idea of selling their lands, acquiesced; saying--"he
would not stand out
against the wishes of his nation."
The signing of the
treaty yet remained; and Red Jacket according to the
testimony of Mr.
Morris, though he had strenuously resisted the sale,
desired
nevertheless to have his name appear among the chiefs of his
nation, whose
signatures were appended to the deed executed on the 15th of
September, 1797,
conveying to Robert Morris of Philadelphia, the title to
all their lands
west of the Genesee river, not included in their
reservations, or
previously sold.
From this fact the
inference has been derived, that the orator was
_insincere_ in his
opposition to the sales made of his people's lands.
His sincerity
though questioned now, was never after this a matter of
doubt. If he had
been insincere before, the effect of this sale on the
destiny of his
people, imposed upon him considerations of so grave a
nature, as to
render the idea of his indifference extremely improbable,
and no one after
this ever thought of imputing to him such a motive. Yet
in all the sales the
Senecas made of their land, subsequent to this
period, Red
Jacket's name, however much he may have resisted the act, was
appended to the
deed or instrument of conveyance. The reason he assigned
for this, was his
desire to have his name go, whether for better or worse,
with the destinies
of his people. Having exerted all his energies to
prevent the sale of
their lands, he felt that his duty had been
discharged. And
when his people decided against him, he regarded the
responsibility of
the transaction as resting on those who had effected it,
and whether he gave
or witheld his name, it would have no influence in
determining the
result.
He may have had
some pride also in having his name appended to a document,
which he knew the
white people regarded, as of much importance, and were
very careful to
preserve.
It is related of
him as having transpired at a later period, when Mr.
Greig of
Canandaigua, acting for the Ogden Company, was holding a council
with a view to
purchase some of the smaller Indian reservations, lying
along the Genesee
river, he was opposed step by step, by the persistent
efforts of Red
Jacket. Yet notwithstanding the opposition, Mr. Greig was
successful in
securing the extinguishment of their title, to about eighty
thousand acres of
their land. When the time came for signing the deed, Mr.
Greig said to Red
Jacket,--"_As you have been opposed to the sale of the
land, you need not
have your name attached to the deed_." But he would
hear to nothing of
the kind, and insisted upon signing it, seeming to take
pride in having his
name appended to the paper. [Footnote: Conversation of
the author with the
Hon. John Greig of Canandaigua. Some years ago a story
illustrating the
eloquence of Red Jacket went the rounds of the papers, in
which Mr. Greig was
represented as arguing a case in opposition to and as
being defeated by
Red Jacket. Not happening to see it at the time, the
author sought for a
copy, but learning that its principal statements were
fictitious, he
relinquished the undertaking. Mr. Greig never argued the
case as
represented, but took down a speech from the interpreter which he
read to the orator,
who was much pleased with its correctness and bestowed
on him an Indian
name, signifying--"_a ready writer_."]
CHAPTER XIII
Council at
Canawangus--Interesting reminiscence of Red Jacket--Address of
Farmer's
Brother--Jasper Parrish--Horatio Jones--Red Jacket's visit at
Hartford, Conn.
A council of the
Iroquois was held at Ca-na-wau-gus, near West Avon, in
the autumn of 1798.
Connected with it is a reminiscence of Red Jacket of
much interest, as
an item of history, and it serves well to illustrate the
orator's mental
habit.
His conduct was
such on this occasion, as to excite the observation as
well as curiosity
of Captain Parrish, who related the occurrence.
For the first few
days of the council, he uttered not a word. He appeared
to be in deep
thought, and was exceedingly reserved.--The expression of
his countenance was
severe, and there was much _hauteur_ in his manner. He
ate scarcely
anything, and his appearance was so remarkable, as to excite
the wonder of all
present. At length on the third or fourth day of the
council, he arose
with great dignity, and solemnity of air, and commenced
speaking. His exordium
was for the most part a beautiful and highly
wrought enconium on
the character and history of the Indians; particularly
of his own people,
in the past. They were taken back, as by a magic spell,
to primitive times.
The days of their renown, when the name and glory of
their nation, were
the admiration of the world. When from the rising to
the setting sun,
there was no power to stand before them, or hinder the
victorious march of
their warriors through the land. As they glided over
the waters of river
or lake, as they ascended the mountain, or passed
through the valley,
they could feel that their dominion was wide, and
undisputed. Every
deer that bounded through the forest, every bird that
winged the air, and
the fish in all the waters, were theirs, and they were
happy. Such was the
glowing picture he drew, they did not realize the
present, from the
engrossing theme of the past.
He next proceeded
to sketch their history, as affected by the coming of
the white man among
them. The friendly relations, that marked their early
intercourse. Their
small beginnings, and the imperceptible manner of their
increase. How they
began to line the eastern shores,--plant themselves
upon the borders of
their rivers, and gather into neighborhoods, and
towns, and cities.
How these new and wonderful things engaged the
attention of the
Indians, and kept them spell-bound, so that they were
insensible to what
had been going on till the whites were firmly planted,
like a tree that
has taken deep root, and sends its branches out over the
land.
He next drew their
attention to a time when the signs of a great tempest
began to appear.
When the clouds began to overspread the heavens, when the
lightning flashed,
and the thunders rolled, and the land was shaken by
their power. A
mighty whirlwind came sweeping through the land, the tall
trees of the forest
were uprooted, the branches torn off and sent flying
through the air. So
has our nation he said been uprooted,--the strong men
torn from us, and
scattered, and laid low. Thus he went on recounting as
few could, the
circumstances of their history, and as he advanced, his
expressions matured
in their intensity, his thoughts appeared to be
winged, and came
glowing, as if from some furnace in nature, where all her
materials are
wrought under intense heat, and sent forth in forms of
highest brilliancy,
and beauty. His hearers were amid the heavings of the
earthquake,--the
blackness of the storms,--the wild and irresistible sweep
of the tornado. The
heavens, the earth, the elements, seemed to be
careering under the
rapid and startling flights of his fancy.
He next adverted
with much feeling, and with evident sadness, to the
transactions of the
past year, by which they had become dispossessed of
the largest part of
their ancient inheritance: and then he drew, with a
prophetic hand, a
picture of their probable future, that brought sorrow to
their hearts, and
tears to their eyes.--He closed his harangue by
pronouncing a most
withering phillipic against the whites.--The effect of
his speech was
wonderful.--Mr. Parrish declared that it exceeded, in its
brilliancy and
force, all his former utterances, of which he had any
knowledge; and he
never heard from him afterward, anything that could
compare with it.
His auditors were mainly those of his own people. His
flow of thought was
not interrupted by the slow, and embarrassing process
of interpretation.
The full grief of his heart, in view of the
transactions of the
previous year, was poured forth, and came like the
irresistible sweep
of a whirlwind. [Footnote: Conversation of the author
with Samuel J.
Mills, Esq., formerly of Mt. Morris, N. Y., later of
Nevada, Iowa. Mr.
Mills heard Mr. Parrish give this description of Red
Jacket and of his
speech, while sitting at one time on the porch of one of
the hotels at Avon
Springs. Mr. Parrish pointed out the ground occupied by
the Indians, when
this speech was delivered. It was only a little distance
from the porch
where they were sitting.]
It was some little
time after the delivery of this speech, before the
minds of the
Indians were sufficiently composed to attend to the main
business of their
council, which was presented in a speech by Farmer's
Brother, and
embodied in an address to the Legislature of New York, thus:
"The Sachems,
Chiefs and Warriors of the Seneca Nation, to the Sachems,
and Chiefs
assembled about the great Council Fire of the State of New
York:
"BROTHERS: As
you are once more assembled in council for the purpose of
doing honor to
yourselves and justice to your country, we, your brothers,
the Sachems, Chiefs
and Warriors of the Seneca Nation, request you to open
your ears, and give
attention to our voice and wishes.
"You will
recollect the late contest between you and your father, the
great king of
England. This contest threw the inhabitants of this whole
island into a great
tumult and commotion, like a raging whirlwind, which
tears up the trees,
and tosses to and fro the leaves, so that no one knows
whence they come,
or where they will fall.
"BROTHERS:
This whirlwind was so directed by the Great Spirit above, as to
throw into our arms
two of your infant children, Jasper Parrish, and
Horatio Jones. We
adopted them into our families, and made them our
children. We loved
them and nourished them. They lived with us many years.
At length the Great
Spirit spoke to the whirlwind, and it was still. A
clear and
uninterrupted sky appeared. The path of peace was opened, and
the chain of
friendship was once more made bright. Then these, our adopted
children, left us,
to seek their relations. We wished them to return among
us, and promised if
they would return, and live in our country, to give
each of them a seat
of land for them, and their children to sit down upon.
"BROTHERS:
They have returned, and have for several years past been
serviceable to us
as interpreters. We still feel our hearts beat in
affection for them,
and now wish to fulfil the promise we made them, and
to reward them for
their services. We have therefore made up our minds to
give them a seat of
two square miles of land lying on the outlet of Lake
Erie, about three
miles below Black Rock, beginning at the mouth of a
creek known by the
name of Scoy-gu-quoy-des Creek, running one mile from
the river Niagara,
up said creek, thence northerly as the river runs two
miles, thence
westerly one mile to the river, thence up the river as the
river runs to the
place of beginning, so as to contain two square miles.
"BROTHERS: We
have now made known to you our minds; we expect and
earnestly request
that you will permit our friends to receive this our
gift, and will make
the same good to them, according to the laws and
customs of your
nation."
By the laws of the
State, no sale or transfers of Indian lands could be
made to private
individuals, without permission from the government. Hence
the address
embodying the request as presented above, which was complied
with, and the land
secured as desired by the Indians.
The above is
certainly an able document, and has been justly admired for
its originality,
and the boldness of its figures. It is in keeping with
the high order of
mind, that has marked the history of the Six Nations.
One expression in
it has been pointed out, as an instance of the truly
sublime: "THE
GREAT SPIRIT SPOKE TO THE WHIRLWIND, AND IT WAS STILL."
We may observe here
that in tracing the history of the Iroquois, the
instances are not
rare of a true nobility of character. Their confidence
and esteem once secured,
no slight cause would interrupt, none appreciated
more highly the
offices of kindness,--and none would go further in making
a generous return
for favors rendered.
Jasper Parrish and
Horatio Jones were favorite interpreters of Red Jacket,
and as they passed
no inconsiderable part of their lives among the
Indians, a further
notice of their history is desirable.
The early life of
Captain Jasper Parrish was marked by scenes alike trying
and eventful. He
was a native of Connecticut, from which State his family
removed to the
waters of the Delaware, in the state of Pennsylvania. In
1778, when but
eleven years old, he accompanied his father on a short
expedition, to
remove a family of backwoodsmen, to a less exposed part of
the settlement. On
their way they were attacked by a small party of
Indians, and made
captives. The father was taken to Niagara, and after a
captivity of two
years, was exchanged and enabled to return to his own
family.
The son was claimed
by a war-chief, who treated him kindly, and after a
time took him to
the waters of the Chemung. On entering an Indian village,
the war-party which
accompanied them, sounded the war-whoop, and it was
answered by the
Indians and Indian boys who came out to meet them. They
pulled the young
prisoner from the horse he was riding, scourged him with
whips, and beat him
with the handles of their tomahawks, one of the forms
of their gauntlet,
until his master humanely rescued him. He was after
this sold to a
family of Delawares, and taken to reside with them on the
Delaware river,
where he suffered much from want of proper clothing, and
from scanty fare.
To inure him to cold, the Indians compelled him almost
daily, to strip and
plunge into the icy waters of the river.
He was with the
Indians when General Sullivan invaded their country, and
witnessed their
retreat, after the battle at Newtown, until they found
protection from the
guns of the British, at Fort Niagara. Here they
subsisted during
the winter by rations from the garrison, and to induce
them to return
again to their villages, on the Genesee river, the officers
pledged them an
increased bounty for American scalps.
On one occasion,
while with the Delaware family at Niagara, he came near
being a victim of
the British bounty for scalps. Left alone with some
Indians, who were
having a carousal, he overheard a proposal to kill the
young Yankee, and
take his scalp to the fort, and sell it for rum. In a
few moments one of
them took a large brand from the fire and hurled at
him, but being on
the alert he dodged it, and made his escape. The Indians
pursued, but it was
dark and they did not find him.
From the Delaware
family, he was sold to an Indian of the Mohawk tribe,
called Captain
David Hill. At a council of the British and Indians, he was
afterwards adopted
with much ceremony, into the family of Captain Hill, as
his own son. He
resided with him at the Mohawk settlement near the present
village of
Lewiston, till the close of the war, and being surrendered in
accordance with the
stipulations of the treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1784, he
returned once more
to his own father's house.
It was with some
effort he recovered again the use of his own native
tongue. During his
captivity he had acquired and could speak fluently, the
language of five
different tribes, and his qualifications as an
interpreter,
together with his known faithfulness and integrity, coming to
the knowledge of
our government, he received an appointment in the Indian
service, and during
the greater part of his subsequent life, was actively
employed in
business relating to the welfare of the Indians. He died at
his residence in
Canandaigua, July 12th, 1836, in the sixty-ninth year of
his age.
Captain Horatio
Jones, was a native of Chester county, Pennsylvania. At
the age of sixteen
he enlisted as a volunteer, in a company commanded by
Captain John Boyd.
It was when the Indians, led by the notorious Butler,
Brant, and Nellis,
were committing their depredations and massacres among
the settlers of the
frontier, sparing neither age nor sex, from the
tomahawk and
scalping knife. With the ardor of youth he engaged in the
active employments
of a soldier, and accompanied Captain Boyd on several
important and
dangerous expeditions, in which himself and commander had
the good fortune to
escape unhurt.
At length in the
spring of 1781, while Captain Boyd and his men, numbering
thirty-two, were in
pursuit of Nellis, they were surprised by a large
party of Indians,
who killed about half their number, and of the rest took
eight prisoners,
Jones and his commanding officer being among the number.
The Indians
conducted them to their towns on the Genesee river, where they
had to run the
gauntlet, and having passed with safety through this trying
ordeal, they next
came near losing their lives in a savage frolic. The
warriors, on
returning from their excursion, gave themselves up to
drinking and
merriment. Partaking freely of the intoxicating bowl, they
soon became much
excited, and the ferocity, which a time of war engenders,
was thoroughly
aroused among them. One of the prisoners they killed, and
severing his head
from the body, carried it about the camp, on the end of
a pole, with wild
shouts and frantic yells.
They next meditated
the death of Boyd and Jones, and while discussing the
manner in which
they would have them suffer, a few squaws conveyed them
away and hid them.
Jones was subsequently adopted into an Indian family,
became familiar
with their customs and language, and after the declaration
of peace, was
appointed by President Washington as Indian interpreter, the
duties of which
office he discharged with fidelity, until within a year or
two of his death.
Mr. Jones was about
the ordinary stature, firmly built, and qualified by
nature for duties
requiring activity and endurance. Possessing uncommon
mental vigor, and
quick perception, he was enabled to form a just estimate
of character, and
determine with readiness the springs of human action.
His bravery,
physical power, energy and decision of character, gave him
great command over
the Indians with whom he was associated, and having
their entire
confidence, he was enabled to render the government
invaluable service
in her treaties with the northern and north-western
tribes. He was a
favorite interpreter of Red Jacket, and his style is said
to have been
energetic, graphic, and chaste. He died at his residence near
Genesee, on the
18th of August, 1836.
It was not far from
the time of this council at Canawangus that Red Jacket
visited Hartford,
Conn.
In the adjustment
of the land difficulties between the states of
Connecticut and
Pennsylvania, owing to the indefinite terms of their
original charters,
Connecticut obtained, as we have seen, a title to that
part of Ohio,
called Western Reserve. The Senecas laying claim to this, on
the ground of
conquest, negotiations were entered into with them for the
extinguishment of
their title. This was the occasion of the orator's
visit, concerning
which there is but a very brief record. His appearance,
however, has been
spoken of in terms of high commendation, and a single
passage only of the
speech he made on that occasion has been preserved.
"We
stand,"--said he, when representing the condition of his people,--"a
small island in the
bosom of the great waters. We are encircled,--we are
encompassed. The
evil spirit rides upon the blast, and the waters are
disturbed. They
rise, they press upon us, and the waves once settled over
us, we disappear
forever. Who then lives to mourn us? None. What marks our
extermination?
Nothing. We are mingled with the common elements."
The entire speech
was listened to with feelings of profound admiration,
and his action
elicited praise for its dignity and grace. He entered the
august assemblage,
before which he was called to appear, with a step
measured, firm and
dignified,--a countenance erect, bold and discursive,--
without manifesting
surprise, fear or curiosity; and his effort sustaining
fully his high
reputation as an orator, made the occasion one of great
interest, to those
whom it had been the means of bringing together, or who
had been attracted
by curiosity, to see one whose fame had reached the
land of steady
habits. [Footnote: Col. Stone, from collections by J. W.
Moulton.]
CHAPTER XIV.
Cornplanter in
disrepute--Effort to regain his standing--Red Jacket
charged with
witchcraft--His defense--Further notices of Cornplanter--
Early
recollections--At the defeat of General Braddock in 1755--With the
English in the war
of the Revolution--Takes his father a prisoner--His
address--Releases him--Address
to the Governor of Pennsylvania--Visit of
President
Alden--Close of his life.
Not long after the
large sale of their domain to Robert Morris, which had
been negotiated at
Big Tree, the Senecas began to realize that they had
committed a great
mistake. The broad lands, mountain, hill, and valley,
over which they had
roamed, the springs and streams of water by whose side
they had been wont
to encamp, and above all the graves of their sires,
where affection's
altar had been hallowed by their sighs and tears, these
were still in view,
but they appeared not as in days gone by, to wear for
them the smiles of
old and long tried friends. They seemed to present a
look and utter a
voice of reproach, as though chiding them for having
broken in upon the
harmony of those time honored arrangements, which had
bound them
together, and the thought of this filled their minds with
anxiety and grief.
Had they been aware of the sorrow they would experience
in looking upon
these lands, as no longer their own, their consent to part
with them would not
so readily have been given.
The reverse which
thereupon took place in their minds, fell heavily on
those who had taken
the most active part of the business of selling their
country.
Cornplanter, having borne a prominent part in these proceedings,
fell deeply under
the displeasure of his people. Their displeasure was so
marked as to lead
him to cast about for some means of relief. Aware of the
credulity and
superstition of his people, he resolved to avail himself of
these
characteristics of his nation, to accomplish the end he had in view.
For this purpose he
was in consultation with his brother Ga-ne-o-di-yo,
who on one occasion
terminated a scene of great dissipation, by the
announcement that
he had been delegated by the Great Spirit, with a new
revelation, and
with supernatural gifts. A severe illness became the
occasion during
which he made a visit to the unseen world, where visions
and revelations of
a most extraordinary nature, had been made known to
him. The happiness
of the good, and the tortures of the wicked, had thus
become matters of
personal observation. The announcement of these, in
language and
gesture indicating his assurance of their reality, gained for
him credence among
the people, as well as chiefs of his nation, and he was
received as a
prophet.
His earliest
attempts were successful in accomplishing a desirable reform,
especially among
the Onondagas, the most profligate of the Six Nations,
from the degrading
vice of intemperance. His influence in this direction
was salutary, and
had he confined his efforts to the recovery of his
people from
drunkenness, his mission would truly have been one of mercy,
and his career
might have terminated with the highest usefulness and
honor.
But sympathizing
with Cornplanter, his brother, he conceived the idea of
instituting against
their enemies, the charge of _witchcraft_. In this
the Indians
generally believed, and a charge of this nature, coming from
such a source, was
a very grave matter. Through the instrumentality of
Congress selected
by himself, the sentence of death was procured against
certain
"familiars of Satan," and this sentence would have been executed,
had there been no
interference, from the knowledge of it coming to the
whites, living in
the vicinity.
In no way
discouraged, but rather emboldened by their success, they
proceeded so far as
to bring such a charge against Red Jacket himself, who
was thus publicly
denounced, at a great council held at Buffalo Creek, and
put upon trial.
A degree of rivalry
had hitherto existed between Cornplanter and Red
Jacket, and as the
former descended in the estimation of his people, for
the part he had
taken in the sale of their lands, the latter rose for the
same reason, so
that the highest aim of Cornplanter was reached, when he
could, by this
means, affect materially the character, and influence of
his distinguished
rival.
The orator was thus
placed in circumstances the most critical and trying,
of any that had
hitherto met him in life. He perceived at a glance, that
his entire history
in the future, would depend on the decision that would
then and there take
place. He might be doomed, if his life were spared,
and this was not
altogether certain, to be the victim of surmises and
superstitions, that
would be annoying, if they did not prove to be utterly
destructive of his
happiness. He accordingly summoned himself for an
effort as great, as
his position was dangerous.
He conducted the
trial in his own defense. In this he exhibited the
exceeding wariness,
which was ever a prominent characteristic of his
nature. The
slightest circumstance affecting the character, or bearing
suspiciously upon
his adversary was not overlooked, and his history was
scanned with the
searching scrutiny of a mind, that seemed to grasp
intuitively, the
secret springs, which had influenced his conduct. One by
one the professions
that had formed his garb of sanctity, were exposed to
the burning power
of his keen satire, and step by step he advanced to a
point, where, from
the full assurance he had established this conviction
in the minds of his
people, he pronounced him AN IMPOSTER,--A CHEAT.
[Footnote:
Conversation of the author with Wm. Jones, a chief among the
Senecas, and a son-in-law
of Red Jacket.]
His speech riveted
the attention of his hearers for nearly three hours. He
prevailed.
"THE IRON BROW OF SUPERSTITION RELENTED UNDER THE MAGIC POWER
OF HIS
ELOQUENCE."--The Indians divided and a majority appeared in his
favor.
"Perhaps,"--says
the distinguished author just quoted,--"the annals of
history cannot
furnish a more conspicuous instance of the triumph and
power of oratory,
in a barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and
looking up to the
accuser as a delegated minister of the Almighty."
[Footnote: Governor
Clinton's Historical Discourse.]
The victory which
Red Jacket thus achieved recoiled heavily on
Cornplanter, and
gave him a blow, from which he never afterward fully
recovered. He
retired to his reservation, on the waters of the Alleghany
river, within the
boundaries of Pennsylvania, where he devoted himself,
during the
remainder of his long life, to the elevation and improvement of
his people. He did
not, after the example of his great rival Red Jacket,
spurn the
improvements of civilization, but engaged in agriculture after
the example of the
whites, and welcomed to his abode the teachers of
christianity, and
himself openly avowed his belief in its doctrines.
Cornplanter was a
native of Ca-na-wan-gus, on the Genesee river, a half
breed, the son of
an Indian trader, from the valley of the Mohawk, a white
man named John
O'Bail. Of his early life little is known further than he
himself intimated,
in a letter written long afterward, to the governor of
Pennsylvania:--In
which he said,--"When I was a child I played with the
butterfly, the
grasshopper, and the frogs; and as I grew up, I began to
pay some attention,
and play with the Indian boys in the neighborhood; and
they took notice of
my skin, being a different color from theirs and spoke
about it. I
inquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my
father was a
resident in Albany. I still ate my victuals out of a bark
dish. I grew up to
be a young man, and married me a wife, and I had no
kettle or gun. I
then knew where my father lived, and went to see him, and
found he was a
white man, and spoke the English language. He gave me
victuals, while I
was at his house, but when I started to return home, he
gave me no
provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle or gun."
He was with his
people when they fought in alliance with the French in the
year 1755. The
principal part of the force which met and defeated the
English under
General Braddock was Indian, and it was through their
prowess mainly, if
not entirely, that the victory was gained.
What part
Cornplanter took in that engagement is not known, but in the war
of the Revolution,
he was a war-chief, and ranked high in the estimation
of his people.
In a speech
addressed to President Washington in 1790, he related the
manner in which the
Indians came to be in alliance with the English.
"Many nations
inhabited this country; but they had no wisdom, therefore
they warred
together. The Six Nations were powerful and compelled them to
peace; the lands to
a great extent were given up to them; the French came
among us and built
Niagara; they became our fathers and took care of us.
Sir William Johnson
came and took that fort from the French; he became our
father and promised
to take care of us, and did so until you were too
strong for his
king.
"When you
kindled your thirteen fires separately, the wise men that
assembled at them
told us that you were all brothers, the children of one
great father, who
regarded the red people also as his children. They
called us brothers,
and invited us to his protection; they told us that he
resided beyond the
great water, where the sun first rises; that he was a
king whose power no
people could resist, and that his goodness was as
bright as that sun.
What they said went to our hearts; we accepted the
invitation, and
promised to obey him. What the Seneca Nation promise, they
faithfully perform;
and when you refused obedience to that king, he
commanded us to
assist his beloved men, in making you sober. In obeying
him we did no more
than yourselves had led us to promise. The men that
claimed this
promise told us that you were children, and had no guns; that
when they had
shaken you, you would submit. We hearkened to them and were
deceived."
As a leader he was
very active and brave, and as a partisan of the
English, bore a
prominent part in all of the principal engagements, in
which the Indians
were concerned during that war. He was on the war-path
with Brant during
the campaign of General Sullivan against the Indian
towns in the
Genesee country in 1779, and also when under the command of
Brant and Sir John
Johnson, the Indians subsequently avenged the invasion
of Sullivan, by the
fearful destruction they wrought in the valley of the
Mohawk.
It was during this
expedition that Cornplanter visited his father a second
time. He was
residing then in the vicinity of Fort Plain, and ascertaining
where he lived,
Cornplanter watched his opportunity and made his father a
prisoner, but
managed so adroitly, as to avoid recognition. He marched his
sire ten or twelve
miles up the river, and then stepped in front of him,
faced about, and
addressed him in the following manner:--
"My name is
John O'Bail, commonly called Cornplanter. I am your son! You
are my father! You
are now my prisoner, and subject to the customs of
Indian warfare. But
you shall not be harmed: you need not fear. I am a
warrior! Many are
the scalps I have taken! Many the prisoners I have
tortured to death!
I am your son! I was anxious to see you, and greet you
in friendship. I
went to your cabin, and took you by force. But your life
shall be spared.
Indians love their friends and their kindred, and treat
them with kindness.
If now you choose to follow the fortunes of your
yellow son, and to
live with our people, I will cherish your old age with
plenty of venison,
and you shall live easy. But if it is your choice to
return to your
fields, and live with your white children, I will send a
party of my trusty
young men to conduct you back in safety. I respect you,
my father: you have
been friendly to Indians, and they are your friends."
The father
preferred to return to his white children, and was therefore
set at liberty, and
escorted back in safety to his own home.
In another address
to the governor of Pennsylvania, he used this language:
"I will now
tell you, that the Great Spirit has made known to me that I
have been wicked;
and the cause was the Revolutionary war in America. The
cause of Indians
having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of
them, were in the
practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great
Britain requested
us to join with them in the conflict against the
Americans, and
promised the Indians land and liquor. I myself was opposed
to joining in the
conflict, as I had nothing to do with the difficulty
between the two
parties.
"They told me
they would inform me of the cause of the Revolution, which I
requested them to
do minutely. They then said it was on account of the
heavy taxes,
imposed on them by the British government, which had been for
fifty years
increasing upon them; that the Americans had grown weary
thereof, and
refused to pay, which affronted the king. There had likewise
a difficulty taken
place about some tea, which they wished me not to use,
as it had been one
of the causes that many people had lost their lives.
And the British
government now being affronted, the war commenced, and the
cannons began to
roar in our country.
"The white
people who live at Warren, called on me, some time ago to pay
taxes for my land;
which I objected to, as I had never been called upon
for that purpose
before; and having refused to pay, the white people
became irritated,
called upon me frequently, and at length brought four
guns with them, and
seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not
willing to let the
cattle go. After a time of dispute, they returned home,
and I understood
the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of
the tax. I went to
Warren, and to avert the impending difficulty, was
obliged to give my
note for the tax, the amount of which was forty-three
dollars and
seventy-nine cents. It is my desire that the governor will
exempt me from
paying taxes for my land to the white people; and also
cause that the
money I am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I
am very poor."
This appeal was
brought before the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and an act
was passed by which
the chief was exonerated from the tax.
One writer speaks
of him as possessing uncommon genius, a strong and
discriminating
mind, and as having the power of enduring great mental
application. He
anxiously inquired into the evidences in support of the
scripture account
of creation, and of the scheme of doctrines which
Christianity
unfolded.
President Alden of
Alleghany college, speaks with delight of a visit he
made to the old
chief. He found him on the banks of the Alleghany, on a
piece of first rate
bottom land, a little within the limits of
Pennsylvania. He
was the owner of thirteen hundred acres of land, on a
part of which stood
his village, whose inhabitants gave signs of industry
and thrift.
He found it
pleasant to behold the agricultural habits of the place as
appeared from the
numerous enclosures of buckwheat, corn and oats. He also
speaks of seeing a
number of oxen, cows and horses; and many logs designed
for the saw mill,
and the Pittsburgh market. "Cornplanter had for some
time been very much
in favor of the christian religion, and hailed with
joy such as
professed it. When apprised of Mr. Alden's arrival he hastened
to welcome him to
his village, and to wait upon him. And notwithstanding
his high station as
a chief, having many men under his command, he chose
rather, in the
ancient patriarchal style, to serve his visitors himself;
he therefore took
care of their horses, and went into the field and cut
and brought oats
for them." [Footnote: Drake's book of the Indians.]
He died at his
reservation March 7th, 1836, a hundred winters having
passed over him,
and was buried beneath the sheltering branches of a noble
tree standing in
his field. No other monument marks his grave.
CHAPTER XV.
Change in Red
Jacket's views--How caused--His opposition to Christianity--
Visit of a
Missionary--Missionary's speech--Red Jacket's reply--Unpleasant
termination of the
Council.
As time advanced,
the mind of Red Jacket gradually receded from the
favorable opinion
he had entertained, with respect to the introduction
among his people,
of the customs of civilized life. Before this he
regarded with favor
the philanthropic designs of Washington and others,
which contemplated
such a change. But henceforth his influence and
energies were
uniformly exerted, in resisting any innovation, upon the
anciently
established usages of the Iroquois. Several causes seemed to
influence such a
result.
First of all was
the condition of his people, as affected by the whites.
They had been
wasted and greatly enfeebled by the wars carried on between
the whites, taking
sides, as in the Revolution, against each other. And in
their own
conflicts, though in some instances successful, they had been so
effectually
overcome, that no hope now remained to them of resistance by
war; no matter what
combinations they might be able to effect among
themselves.
A still deeper
source of regret, was the loss of so large a portion of
their wide and
beautiful country. Since parting with it, swarms of
settlers had been
flocking to the more favored portions, and were
irresistibly
advancing to full and entire possession. The idea that they
could have their
country to hunt in, as well after it was sold as before,
was rapidly
dissipated by the busy sounds, all through the forest, of the
woodman's axe, and
by the roar of the stately trees, as they fell down
before the
enterprising pioneer. The Indian brooded over this in silence,
while all of these
sounds, delightful to the emigrant, were as a knell of
death to his ear.
The eloquence of Red Jacket had been exerted in vain, to
arrest the progress
of the white men. Onward they swept, bidding defiance
to all the
obstacles in their way. They were in possession of the ancient
seats of the
Iroquois. The red man's inheritance, was but a beggarly
portion, when
compared with his former princely domain. The thought of
this weighed
heavily upon Red Jacket's lofty spirit, and affected
materially the
disposition with which he regarded the white man.
He had observed
also that the Indian had not been improved, but rather
made worse by
intercourse with the white man. He more readily acquired his
vices, than his
virtues.
The schools
likewise that had been established among the Indians, had not
been attended with
very salutary results. And some of the Indian boys that
had been sent to
the schools of the whites, had failed to be qualified for
usefulness among
white men, and were unfitted in their tastes and habits
for a life among
the Indians. As was observed by Red Jacket: "they have
returned to their
kindred and color, neither white men nor Indians. The
arts they have
learned are incompatible with the chase, and ill adapted to
our customs. They
have been taught that which is useless to us. They have
been made to feel
artificial wants, which never entered the minds of their
brothers. They have
imbibed, in your great towns, the seeds of vices,
which were unknown
in the forest. They become discouraged and dissipated,
--despised by the
Indians, neglected by the whites, and without value to
either,--less
honest than the former, and perhaps more knavish than the
latter."
[Footnote: Washington had always been earnest in his desire to
civilize the
savages, but had little faith in the expedient which had been
pursued, of sending
their young men to our colleges; the true means he
thought, was to
introduce the arts and habits of husbandry among them.--
Irving's Life of
Washington.] Red Jacket was not alone in this opinion.
One of
Cornplanter's sons, Henry O'Bail, had been educated in
Philadelphia; but
on returning to his people, became a drunkard, and was
discarded by his
father. He had other sons, but resolved that no more of
them should be
educated among the whites, for said he, "it entirely spoils
Indian."
"What have we
here?" exclaimed Red Jacket on one occasion addressing one
of them. "What
have we here? _You are neither a white man, or an Indian;
for heaven's sake
tell us, what are you?_"
But further than
this, Red Jacket had witnessed among the whites so many
evidences of deceit
and fraud; he had so often seen the Indians
circumvented by
their avarice and craft, that he looked with suspicion
even on their
attempts to do the Indians good. The language of the Trojan
patriot concerning
the Greeks--represents very nearly the feelings he
entertained toward
the whites.
"Timeo Danaos et dona ferrentes.
"The Greeks I fear, e'en in the gifts
they bear."
Hence Red Jacket
began to look unfavorably on the attempts that had been
made to civilize
the Indian. He scorned to use the white man's axe, or
hoe, or any
implement of husbandry. He would not even use his language.
Understanding well
what was said to him in English, he spurned the idea of
holding any
communication with a white man, save through an interpreter.
The Indian he
looked upon as the rightful lord of this part of creation,
the white man, as
an intruder. The white man's ways were good for the
white man; but in
his view they would spoil the Indian. He believed that
the peculiar
characteristics of the Indian, were conferred on him by the
Great Spirit for a
wise purpose, and for his good, they needed to be
maintained. Hence
all the ancient habits of his people, he earnestly
strove to preserve,
and had it been in his power, he would have built a
wall like the
Chinese, to keep his people from meeting with, and being
contaminated by the
whites. He would frown contempt on the Indian, who
used a stool or
chair in his cabin, and no king in his palace, ever sat
more proudly, or
with greater dignity on his throne, than did Red Jacket
on his bear-skin in
his humble dwelling.
We can but admire
in this, his independence of character; and when we
reflect upon his
conduct as influenced by the conviction, that such a
course was
essential for the good of his people, we may view it as
meriting the praise
of philanthrophy. Had he been as firm in resisting
every enticement of
the whites, he would have maintained a greater
consistency, and
himself attained a higher degree of excellence.
Red Jacket was
equally opposed to the introduction of Christianity among
his people. He
looked upon the religion of the white man, with the same
feeling of
suspicion and distrust as everything else coming from that
source. He had no
evidence from experience, of the benefits that would
arise to them from
its introduction among them. On the contrary his
convictions,
arising from observation, were against it; because he saw his
people were made
worse, by associating with the whites. When asked on one
occasion, why he
was opposed to the coming of missionaries among his
people, he
replied,--"Because they do us no good. If they are not useful
among the white
people, why do they send them among the Indians?--If they
are useful to the
white people, why do they not keep them at home? They
are surely bad
enough, to need the labor of every one, who can make them
better."
The Indians made no
distinction between those who professed religion and
those who made no
profession. Their own religion was national. There was
no division between
the religious and irreligious. All were religious. In
other words, they
were all educated in the same faith, all united in
observing the same
religious rites, and all entertained the same religious
belief, as had been
handed down to them from their forefathers. This was
salutary in
promoting among them many virtues, worthy of commendation.
They very properly
estimated the value of religion, by the practical
influence it
exerted on those who received it. And they judged of the
Christian religion,
by the conduct and character of the nation that
received and
cherished it; who were nominally Christian.
Unfortunately for
the success of Christianity among them, they had
witnessed so much
deceit and fraud, there were so many among the whites,
who were ready to
take advantage of them,--to make them drunk, and then
cheat them, they
were unable to perceive in what way the religion of the
whites, from whom
they had received such treatment, could be better or as
good, even as their
own. They had not learned to regard those only as
Christians, who
reduced the principles of Christianity to practice, and
were not aware that
as a system, it enforced only what was right, and
tolerated no
conduct that was wrong.
Hence in the
efforts made to introduce Christianity among the Senecas, we
find Red Jacket
summoning the entire force of his influence, and eloquence
in opposition to
the measure.
The arrival among
them of a missionary from Massachusetts, was the
occasion of a
forensic effort, which defines very clearly his position,
and though it may
have suffered, as did most of his speeches, from coming
through an
interpreter, it displays nevertheless, indications of deep
thought, and of a
high order of talent. It was regarded at the time as an
effort of great
ability, and is perhaps as fair a specimen of his oratory,
as has come down to
us from the past.
A council having
been called to consider the matter, the missionary was
introduced, who
spoke as follows: [Footnote: The speech of the missionary
is quoted from Col.
Stone; the reply of Red Jacket from Drake, who is Col.
Stone's authority
for the same speech.]
"My Friends: I
am thankful for the opportunity afforded us of meeting
together at this
time. I had a great desire to see you, and inquire into
your state and
welfare. For this purpose I have traveled a great distance,
being sent by your
old friends, the Boston Missionary Society. You will
recollect they
formerly sent missionaries among you, to instruct you in
religion, and labor
for your good. Although they have not heard from you
for a long time,
yet they have not forgotten their brothers, the Six
Nations, and are
still anxious to do you good.
"Brothers: I
have not come to get your lands, or your money, but to
enlighten your
minds, and instruct you how to worship the Great Spirit,
agreeably to his
mind and will, and to preach to you the gospel of his
Son, Jesus Christ.
There is but one religion, and but one way to serve
God, and if you do
not embrace the right way, you can not be happy
hereafter. You have
never worshipped the Great Spirit, in a manner
acceptable to him,
but have all your lives, been in great errors and
darkness. To
endeavor to remove these errors, and open your eyes, so that
you might see
clearly, is my business with you.
"Brothers: I
wish to talk with you as one friend talks with another; and
if you have any
objections to receive the religion which I preach, I wish
you to state them;
and I will endeavor to satisfy your minds, and remove
the objections.
"Brothers: I
want you to speak your minds freely; for I wish to reason
with you on the
subject, and if possible remove all doubts, if there be
any on your minds.
The subject is an important one, and it is of
consequence, that
you give it an early attention, while the offer is made
you. Your friends,
the Boston Missionary Society, will continue to send
you good and
faithful ministers, to instruct and strengthen you in
religion, if on
your part you are willing to receive them.
"Brothers:
Since I have been in this part of the country, I have visited
some of your small
villages, and talked with your people. They appear
willing to receive
instruction, but as they look up to you, as their elder
brothers in
council, they want first to know your opinion on the subject.
You have now heard
what I have to propose at present. I hope you will take
it into
consideration, and give me an answer before we part."
The chiefs were in
consultation for about two hours, when Red Jacket arose
and spoke as
follows:
"Friend and
Brother: It was the will of the Great Spirit that we should
meet together this
day. He orders all things, and has given us a fine day
for our council. He
has taken his garment from before the sun, and caused
it to shine with
brightness upon us. Our eyes are opened that we see
clearly; our ears
are unstopped, that we have been able to hear distinctly
the words you have
spoken. For all these favors we thank the Great Spirit,
and Him only.
"Brother: This
council fire was kindled by you. It was at your request
that we came
together at this time. We have listened with attention to
what you have said.
You requested us to speak our minds freely. This gives
us great joy: for
now we consider that we stand upright before you, and
can speak what we
think. All have heard your voice, and all speak to you
now as one man. Our
minds are agreed.
"Brother: You
say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this
place. It is right
you should have one, as you are a great distance from
home, and we do not
wish to detain you. But we will first look back a
little, and tell
you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard
from the white
people.
"Brother:
Listen to what we say.--There was a time when our fathers owned
this _great
island_. [Footnote: The term used by the Indians when
speaking of this
continent.] Their seats extended from the rising to the
setting sun. The
Great Spirit had made it for the Indians. He had created
the buffalo, the
deer, and other animals for food. He had made the bear,
and the beaver.
Their skins served us for clothing. He had scattered them
over the country,
and taught us how to take them. He had caused the earth
to produce corn for
bread. All this he had done for his red children
because he loved
them. If we had some disputes about our hunting ground,
they were generally
settled without the shedding of much blood. But an
evil day came upon
us. Your forefathers crossed the great water, and
landed on this
island. Their numbers were small. They found friends and
not enemies. They
told us they had fled from their own country for fear of
wicked men, and had
come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a
small seat. We took
pity on them, granted their request, and they sat down
amongst us. We gave
them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return.
[Footnote:
Spirituous liquors.]
"The white
people had now found our country. Tidings were carried back,
and more came
amongst us. Yet we did not fear them. They called us
brothers. We
believed them and gave them a larger seat. At length their
numbers had greatly
increased. They wanted more land;--they wanted our
country. Our eyes
were opened, and our minds became uneasy.
"Wars took
place. Indians were hired to fight against Indians, and many of
our people were
destroyed. They also brought strong liquors among us;--
they were strong
and powerful, and have slain thousands.
"Brother: Our
seats were once large, and yours were very small. You have
now become a great
people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our
blankets. You have
got our country, but are not satisfied;--you want to
force your religion
upon us.
"Brother:
Continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct us how
to worship the
Great Spirit agreeably to his mind, and if we do not take
hold of this
religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy
hereafter. You say
that you are right, that we are lost. How do we know
this to be true? We
understand that your religion is written in a book. If
it was intended for
us as well as you, why has not the Great Spirit given
it to us, and not
only to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers
the knowledge of
that book, with the means of understanding it rightly? We
only know what you
tell us about it. How shall we know when to believe,
being so often
deceived by the white people?
"BROTHER: You
say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great
Spirit. If there is
but one religion why do you white people differ so
much about it? Why
are you not all agreed,--as you can all read the book?
"BROTHER: We
do not understand these things. We are told that your
religion was given
to your forefathers, and has been handed down from
father to son. We
also have a religion which was given to our forefathers
and has been handed
down to us their children. We worship in that way. It
teaches us to be
thankful for all the favors we receive; to love each
other, and to be
united. We never quarrel about religion.
"BROTHER: The
Great Spirit has made us all, but he has made a great
difference between
his white and red children. He has given us different
complexions, and
different customs. To you He has given the arts. To these
He has not opened
our eyes. We know these things to be true. Since He has
made so great a
difference between us in other things, why may we not
conclude that He
has given us a different religion according to our
understanding? The
Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for is
children; we are
satisfied.
"BROTHER: We
do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you. We
only want to enjoy
our own.
"BROTHER: You
say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to
enlighten our
minds. I will now tell you that I have been at your
meetings, and saw
you collect money from the meeting. I cannot tell what
this money was
intended for, but suppose it was for your minister, and if
we should conform
to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from
us.
"BROTHER: We
are told that you have been preaching to the white people in
this place. These
people are our neighbors. We are acquainted with them.
We will wait a
little while, and see what effect your preaching has on
them. If we find it
does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed
to cheat Indians,
we will then consider again of what you have said.
"BROTHER: You
have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we
have to say at
present. As we are going to part, we will come and take you
by the hand, and
hope the Great Spirit will protect you on your journey,
and return you in
safety to your friends."
Suiting the action
to the word, he then drew near the missionary with the
other chiefs, to
take him by the hand; but he would not receive them, and
rising hastily from
his seat, said, there was no fellowship between the
religion of God,
and the works of the devil, and he could not therefore
join hands with
them.
When this was
interpreted to the Indians, they smiled and retired from the
interview, without
saying anything further.
Such is the account
given of this transaction. The termination is painful.
It is a sad
thought, that when the Indians had been invited to make known
their objections,
if they had any; and when they had been offered in good
faith by this
unlettered son of the forest, he should have been answered
with so little
patience or kindness. We hesitate not to say that the red
man in this,
manifested the better spirit.
Mr. Crane afterward
regretted the course he had taken, saying, "he
supposed by shaking
hands with them, they would regard it as signifying
his approval of
what they had said."
CHAPTER XVI.
Tecumseh and Indian
confederation--Aid given by Elskawata--Doings at the
Prophet's
Town--Great Indian Council at the West--Red Jacket's claim for
precedence of the
Senecas--His adherence to the United States--Hostilities
encouraged by
British Agents--Warriors gathered at Prophet's Town--Visited
by Gen. Harrison at
the head of his troops--Hostilities disclaimed--
Surprised by a
sudden attack--Indians defeated--War proclaimed against
England--Indians
take sides--Unfavorable commencement--Different successes
--Part taken by Red
Jacket.
Sixteen years had
intervened since the treaty of peace, concluded with the
Indians at
Greenville, by General Wayne in 1795. During this time friendly
relations had been
maintained with the various Indian tribes, who were in
correspondence with
the United States. This period had not closed,
however, ere the
ambitious designs of an active and influential chief,
began to wear the
appearance of open hostility.
The possession of
rare mental endowments, together with physical
qualifications,
that were the means of extending his renown, as an
intrepid brave, far
beyond the boundaries of his own tribe, rendered the
name of Tecumseh, a
rallying word for the dusky warriors, even among the
remote wilds
visited by the Indian. Tecumseh entertained the ambitious
project, at various
times a favorite design with the Indian, of uniting
all their tribes at
the West and South-west, in one strenuous endeavor, to
resist the further
advance of the whites into their country, and of
forming here a
confederacy, similar to that which had existed among the
Iroquois.
In these views he
was greatly assisted and strengthened by the influence
and efforts of his
brother, Elskawata.
Elskawata, on the
death of Penagashega, an aged and revered prophet, very
adroitly assumed
the sacred office of this Indian saint, and began to
proclaim himself,
as a delegated messenger of the Great Spirit to his
people.
He commenced his
career among the Shawnees, the people of his tribe, as
early as 1805. But
not content with so narrow a sphere for his endeavors,
he went from tribe
to tribe, and assembled as he was able, different
nations, that he
might make known to them the important instructions, he
had been divinely
authorized to communicate.
For a long time his
efforts wore the appearance of a religious, and
pacific character.
He proclaimed the high superiority of the Indians over
the whites, and of
his own tribe among the Indian tribes. He declared it
to be the will of
the Great Spirit, that the Indians should abandon the
use of intoxicating
drinks, refrain from intermarrying with the whites,
live at peace with
each other, have their property in common, and maintain
their customs, as
they had been anciently established. At a later period
he affirmed with
much solemnity, that he had received power from the Great
Spirit, to cure all
diseases, confound his enemies, and stay the arm of
death, in sickness,
or on the field of battle.
As time advanced,
the prophet passed from nation, to nation, artfully
sustaining his
assumptions, and proclaiming his doctrines. He gathered
around him
adherents from various tribes, encouraged pilgrimages to his
camp, became
conspicuous in all their general councils, and extended his
influence to the
various Indian towns, in the vicinity of the northern
lakes, and on the
broad plains, watered by the Mississippi and its
branches. He could
now, as he did, forward very effectively the ambitious
views of his
brother Tecumseh.
From the Prophet's
town, which was established on the banks of the Wabash,
near the mouth of
its tributary the Tippecanoe, as early as 1808, a
correspondence was
kept up with the numerous tribes at the North and West,
and means were
taken also to extend the combination they were forming, to
the Cherokees and
other nations of the South. Runners were sent as far
even as the country
of the Senecas, and the Iroquois in New York and
Canada, were
solicited to join the Great Western Confederacy.
Connected with this
movement was the holding of Indian councils, at
different places in
the West. A very large council, was held at or near
Detroit, which
embraced in it deputations from the most distant tribes. A
strong deputation
was sent from the Senecas, with Red Jacket at its head.
At the opening of
this council a question arose as to precedence in
debate, which is
said to have been the occasion of one of Red Jacket's
most effective and
brilliant speeches, and was the means of securing for
himself and fellow
delegates, the high position he ever claimed, as
belonging
rightfully to his nation.
The right of
precedence was claimed by the Wyandots, a large and powerful
nation, which for a
long time, had been pre-eminent among the Western
tribes. To them had
been committed for preservation and safe keeping, the
Great Belt, the
symbol of a previous union among the tribes. It had been
used in gathering
them to form their league, to resist the settlements of
the whites north
and west of the Ohio river. The concert of action among
the Indians, in the
wars at the West between 1790 and 1795, is to be
traced to this
league. To the Wyandots also had been given the original
duplicate of the
treaty of peace, concluded at Greenville in 1795.
Hence the claim
they presented to precedence at this council; a claim
which was
eloquently supported by their most able chiefs.
This claim was
denied by Red Jacket, who maintained that the place in
question belonged
rightfully to the Senecas, and sustained his position by
a reference to
facts and usages in the past, which displayed a minute and
accurate knowledge
of the history of the different Indian tribes, that
surprised as well
as delighted his hearers. His speech was characterized
throughout by great
ability, and displayed such a power of oratory,
particularly of
invective, as to excite the wonder of all present, who
could understand
his language, and comprehend the force of his allusions.
His effort was
entirely successful. No attempt was made at reply. The
first rank after
this, without further hesitation, was given to the
Senecas.
It is due to the
memory of Red Jacket, who has been, called _double
tongued and
deceitful_, to state that from the time he fully gave his
adherence, he never
swerved from his allegiance to the United States. Ever
afterward he was
their faithful friend and ally. The impatient affirmation
of Brant, that
"Red Jacket had vowed fidelity to the United States, and
sealed his promise,
by kissing the likeness of General Washington," though
in a measure true,
as expressive of his fidelity, had never any occasion
to be qualified, by
a statement to the contrary.
During the present
council, his views were in opposition to those
generally
entertained and expressed, and no consideration availed with
him, to break faith
with the United States. He had before this notified
the Indian agent of
the formation of another league, and of the avowedly
warlike purpose of
certain Indian councils, that had been held at the
West.
Early in the year
1810, at the head of a delegation of his people and
accompanied by the
agent, and Captain Parrish as interpreter, he visited
the city of
Washington, and informed our government of the hostilities
that were in
contemplation, and of the efforts of his people to secure
peace.
The pacific
councils of Red Jacket were of little avail. The warlike
agitation was
continued. The retreat of the Prophet on the banks of the
Wabash, became not
less noted for warlike exercises, than for its
religious
harangues. The minds of the Indians were already ripe for an
outbreak, whenever
a sufficient pretext should offer. The visit of
Tecumseh at
Vincennes in the summer of 1810, with three hundred well armed
warriors, and his
haughty and insulting bearing toward Governor Harrison,
indicated clearly,
the hostile spirit that was rife among them.
Not long after
this, the report came that a thousand warriors awaited his
command, in and
about the Prophet's town. So large a horde of Indians
together, without
the means of support, and practicing themselves in the
arts of war, were
viewed with suspicion. Charity must have been blind, to
have supposed they
were assembled merely for the purpose of devotion.
Frequent
plundering, midnight arson, and occasional massacres in frontier
settlements,
proclaimed the fact, that hostilities had already commenced,
and that our people
in this region needed protection.
The Indians were
greatly encouraged in their warlike feeling, by the
intercourse they
constantly maintained with the British Indian Department.
The British Fur
Company also by her traders, had correspondence with the
leading men of all
these Western and North-western tribes, and this
intercourse
resulted in holding the Indians more firmly, in alliance with
the English. The
desire they entertained for dominion on this continent,
led them to
encourage the Indians, in their effort to hold in check the
settlements of the
United States, that were pushing their way westward.
Thus countenanced
and encouraged, the Indians became more determined and
bold in their
hostility.
These threatening
indications, coming to the knowledge of our government,
General Harrison
was directed to go with an armed force to the Prophet's
town, and his visit
resulted in the battle of Tippecanoe, fought on the
seventh of
November, 1811.
His officers
desired him to attack the town on the day before, but wishing
to avoid fighting
if possible, and having been met by several chiefs, who
disclaimed having
hostile intentions, and offered submission and peace, he
made a careful
survey of the country, and selecting an advantageous
position, encamped
for the night.
At an early hour in
the morning they were furiously assailed by the
Indians, who had
stealthily crept up very near without being observed. A
bloody and, for a
time doubtful, engagement ensued, but at length the
Indians were
repulsed and a decisive victory gained.
The Prophet was
securely stationed on an adjoining eminence during the
battle, and the
American bullets having a more powerful effect upon the
Indians than they
had been led to anticipate, a runner was sent to him
with the
intelligence. He was engaged singing very piously, one of his old
war songs. When
told what was taking place, he said, "Go,--fight on: it
will soon be as I
have said;" and commenced singing again more loudly.
[Footnote: The
Prophet had assured them that the Americans would not be
successful. That
their bullets would not hurt the Indians, who would have
light while their
enemies would be in darkness.--Life and Times of Wm. H.
Harrison.]
Tecumseh was absent
when the battle was fought, being engaged in
forwarding his
designs among the Indian tribes at the South. He was
disappointed and
grieved with the result, regarding the battle as
premature, and
tending very much to thwart the purposes he had in view.
He awaited a more
favorable turn in the wheel of fortune, and thought this
would come with the
war anticipated between England and the United States.
Difficulties,
growing out of the right assumed by the former, of boarding
American vessels,
to discover and remove any English sailors belonging to
the crew, which
frequently resulted in seizing American seamen and forcing
them into the
British navy, had now assumed so formidable an aspect, as to
call forth from our
government a proclamation of war against England,
issued on the 19th
of June, 1812.
In anticipation of
this event, as well as after it, means were employed by
the agents of
Britain, to secure the services of the Indians during this
contest. The
opportunity was gladly welcomed by the Miamis, Shawnees and
other Indian
tribes, who had recently been severely chastised by General
Harrison. The
Mohawks and other Indians in Canada were also induced to
take up the
hatchet, and efforts were made to influence such of the Six
Nations, as resided
within the state of New York, to take sides with the
British in this
war, but they were not successful.
The United States,
instead of seeking among the Indians recruits for their
army, advised the
Senecas, and other tribes of the Iroquois within their
borders, to remain
neutral. A council was convened by the Indian agent,
Mr. Erastus
Granger, for the purpose of spreading the whole matter before
them. It resulted
in securing from them a pledge of neutrality. So well
convinced were they
of the wisdom of this course, they determined to send
a deputation of
their brethren to Canada, to dissuade them if possible,
from taking any
part in the war. It was sent, but did not accomplish the
end desired; the
Mohawks had fully resolved upon engaging in the contest.
It was difficult
however, for the Senecas to enforce their decision upon
their young braves,
who were made restless by the sound of war, and were
eager to engage in
it; yet their sympathies were with the United States.
The stirring music,
martial array, noise and pomp of war, wrought so
effectually on
their minds, they would fain have persuaded their nation to
declare war on
their own account. The circulation among them of a rumor
that the British
had taken possession of Grand Island, a part of their own
domain, led them to
convene a council, which Mr. Granger was invited to
attend, and after
stating the case to him, Red Jacket declared the purpose
of the Senecas in
the following language:--
"BROTHER: You
have told us, that we have nothing to do with the war, that
has taken place
between you and the British. But we find that the war has
come to our doors.
Our property is taken possession of, by the British and
their Indian
friends. It is necessary for us now to take up the business,
defend our
property, and drive the enemy from it. If we sit still upon our
seats, and take no
means of redress, the British according to the customs
of you white
people, will hold it by conquest. And should you conquer the
Canadas, you will
claim it on the same principle, as though you had
conquered it from
the British. We therefore request permission to go with
our warriors, and
drive off those bad people, and take possession of our
lands."
Their request was
granted, and the chiefs regarding themselves as an
independent nation,
issued a formal declaration of war, against the
provinces of Upper
and Lower Canada, and summoned their warriors to
protect their
rights and liberties, with the Americans.
Four hundred
warriors, armed and painted, and ready for the field,
answered to this
call, led by the brave though now aged Farmer's Brother,
who was said by
Colonel Worth, to have been "the noblest Indian in form
and mould, in
carriage and in soul, of that generation of his race."
[Footnote: Col.
Worth as given by Col. Stone.]
The principal scene
of war at this time was on our north-western frontier.
Its commencement
had been disastrous. The capture of Mackinaw, Chicago,
and Detroit,
attended by the surrender of General Hull, commander of the
American forces at
the latter place, spread a feeling of insecurity and
dismay all along
our western frontier settlements. For an immense extent
they were without
protection. But new troops were raised and brought on to
the field, under
the wise conduct of General Harrison, and the signal
naval victory of
Commodore Perry on Lake Erie, September 10, 1813, and the
equally decisive
battle on the river Thames, in the October following,
very materially
improved the prospect of the American arms. After this
battle, the Western
Indians were disposed to entertain propositions of
peace.
Thus far they had
proved to be efficient allies of the British, increasing
their force by an
addition of nearly eighteen hundred, commanded by the
renowned Tecumseh,
who had been called the "Indian Bonaparte." His pre-
eminence among them
was now widely acknowledged, and he swayed by his
influence a greater
number of warriors, than any Indian of his time.
Before engaging in
the Battle of the Thames, he seemed to have a
presentiment of his
death. He said to the chiefs about him, "brother
warriors, we are
about to enter into an engagement from which I shall
never come out,--my
body will remain on the field of battle." [Footnote:
Life of Tecumseh,
by Benjamin Drake.]
His prediction was
verified; as marking the field of strife where the
Americans were
victorious, the ashes of this celebrated warrior here
repose, near the
borders of a willow marsh, the willow and the wild rose
weaving a chaplet
over his grave.
The Indians who had
volunteered their services in the American army, were
first employed in
the gallant defense made at Black Rock, during the month
of July, of this
same year, 1813.
A surprise party
from the British head-quarters at Lundy's Lane, was sent
against the
American stores, collected at Black Rock and at Buffalo, and
were not at this
time strongly guarded. They were successful in their
first attempt, but
were in turn unexpectedly met by the adroit management
of General Porter,
under whose supervision the forces in this vicinity had
been placed, who
rallied volunteers at Buffalo, turned back the retreating
garrison, and by a
well planned attack, succeeded in driving the enemy
from the post they
had taken a short time before.
The Indians were
soon after in another engagement, in the vicinity of Fort
George, and from an
official report made at the time, it appears that this
formed a part of
Red Jacket's military experience. A company of volunteers
and Indians
commanded by Major Chapin, to which was added a force of about
two hundred
regulars under Major Cummings, amounting in all to about five
hundred, the whole
being under the direction of General Porter, proceeded
to attack the
British and Indian encampment, and were entirely successful.
In an official
statement of this affair given by General Boyd, then
commanding the post
at St. George, he says:--"Those who participated in
this contest,
particularly the Indians, conducted with great bravery and
activity. General
Porter volunteered in the affair, and Major Chapin
evinced his
accustomed zeal and courage. The principal chiefs who led the
warriors this day
were Farmer's Brother, Red Jacket, Little Billy,
Pollard, Black
Smoke, Johnson, Silver Heels, Captain Half Town, Major
Henry O'Bail, and
Captain Cold, who was wounded. In a council held with
them yesterday,
they covenanted not to scalp or murder; and I am happy to
say, that they
treated the prisoners with humanity, and committed no
wanton cruelties on
the dead."
CHAPTER XVII.
Taking of Fort
Erie--Battle of Chippewa--Service rendered by the Indians--
General Porter's
account of the campaign--Red Jacket commended--Withdrawal
of Indian
forces--Other successes--Conclusion of peace.
Directly across
from Buffalo, at the head of Niagara river, on the Canada
side, stood Fort
Erie. Chippewa, at that time head-quarters of the British
army, was eighteen
miles below, on the same side. Fort Erie was garrisoned
by about one
hundred and seventy men; at Chippewa and within available
distances from it,
was stationed the principal part of the British force
in this region.
The plan with which
it was proposed to open the campaign of 1814,
contemplated an
attack on both of these places.
The campaign of the
previous year, though favorable in a good degree, did
not close with
entire success to the American arms. The idea was
entertained of
descending the St. Lawrence, with a view of capturing
Montreal, a design
which signally failed. Taking advantage of the feeble
defense of our
frontier, by the withdrawal of the regular troops for the
purpose named, the
enemy, on the 18th of December, surprised and took Fort
Niagara, and
sweeping along our frontier settlements on the Niagara river,
ravaged the country
by fire and sword, as they passed rapidly on, carrying
the works at
Lewiston, and Manchester, and laying in ashes the thriving
villages of Black
Rock and Buffalo. They burned also without opposition, a
village of the
Tuscaroras.
The voice of Red
Jacket was thereupon heard, arousing his people again, to
the necessity of
taking up arms. And as the result, about six hundred
warriors, mostly
from the Seneca nation, were in readiness to offer their
services, at the
opening of the present campaign.
Buffalo was the
appointed place of rendezvous, and on the first of July,
General Brown, who
commanded our forces, regarding them as sufficient to
warrant the
commencement of the plan of operations, began by
reconnoitering Fort
Erie. During the night of the second of July, General
Ripley, with a part
of his brigade, embarked in boats, with a view of
landing on the
opposite shore, one mile above the Fort, at about day break
the next morning.
General Scott with
his brigade was to cross the Niagara river, through a
difficult pass in
the Black Rock Rapids, and make a simultaneous landing
below the fort. The
two brigades enclosing the fort, could prevent the
escape of the
garrison, until artillery to reduce it, should be brought
from Buffalo.
General Scott with
his usual promptness, made good his landing, and was on
the ground at the
hour appointed, and by the aid of a few Indians and
volunteers who
accompanied him as guides, invested the fort, so as to
secure its
garrison. General Ripley though prompt in his departure, was
delayed in reaching
his position, by a dense fog which misled his pilots.
As the sun rose the
British commandant and his officers, could see the
busy operations
going on in ferrying across from Buffalo, artillery,
Indians and
soldiers, with their various preparations of war. They
discovered also how
completely they were invested. At the demand of
General Brown,
without firing a gun or making any attempt at resistance,
the fort and garrison
were surrendered.
This part of their
enterprise being accomplished, they next turned their
thoughts toward
Chippewa.
The Chippewa or
Welland river, is a considerable stream not far from one
hundred yards wide,
and from twelve to twenty feet deep, entering the
Niagara at right
angles, as it flows in from the west.
On the north or
left bank of this stream, near its mouth, the British army
had its station and
defenses, consisting of two block houses, connected
and flanked by a
parapet.
Street's creek was
two miles above, or south of this, a small sluggish
stream, which
enters the Niagara in a direction parallel with the
Chippewa. The mouth
of this creek was selected by the American commanders,
as affording a
favorable position for their army before the battle.
On the evening of
the same day of the capture of Fort Erie, General Scott
with his brigade
and Towson's artillery, proceeded down the river on his
way toward
Chippewa, and on the morning of the fourth, encamped in the
open field, on the
south side of Street's creek, having driven in some
advanced posts of
the enemy. In the evening he was joined by General
Brown, with General
Ripley's brigade, which took post in the same field,
in rear of General
Scott.
General Porter with
the Indians, and Pennsylvania volunteers, crossed the
Niagara at Black
Rock during the night of the fourth, and on the morning
of the fifth,
marched for the camp, arriving there at about noon.
The two armies
nearly equal in numbers, and well qualified by their
thorough
equipments, and the skill of their commanders, to harm each other
effectually, were
now encamped with only two miles, and the two streams,
on whose banks they
rested, between them.
But though thus
near, intervening objects prevented their seeing each
other. Between them
was a strip of woodland about one-fourth of a mile in
width, extending
from the forest on the west, near to the bank of the
river, where it was
cleared for the public highway. This effectually shut
out from the view
of the other, the manoeuvres of each army.
The Indians and
militia from the British army infested these woods, and
became annoying to
our forces. General Porter being well acquainted with
the country, and
having charge of the Indians, was requested to take them,
and a part of his
Pennsylvania volunteers, and dislodge this portion of
the enemy; General
Brown assuring him, that none of the British regulars
would be found
south of the Chippewa on that day, and promising him in
case of so
improbable a contingency, the support of General Scott's
brigade.
At about three
o'clock of the same day of his arrival, General Porter
formed his men,
half a mile in rear of the main camp, into single or
Indian file,
placing the Indians on the left, and a part of the
Pennsylvanians on
the right.
"Thence he
marched into the woods in the same order, in a line at right
angles to the
river, until the whole Indian force was immerged in the
forest, leaving the
white troops in the open field; they had only to halt
and face to the
right, when the whole were formed in line of battle,
three-fourths of a
mile long and one man deep, looking in the direction
of Chippewa. Red
Jacket was placed on the extreme left of the line, and
General Porter took
his station on the margin of the woods between his
white and red
troops, accompanied by Captain Pollard, a Seneca chief, who,
in this campaign,
was considered first in command among the Indians;
Colonel Flemming,
the Quarter-master of the Indian corps, Lieutenant
Donald Fraser his
aid, and Henry Johnson his interpreter. He was also
accompanied by
Major Jones, and Major Wood of the Engineers, as
volunteers; and was
supported by a company of regular infantry, marching
in column in rear,
as a reserve.
"The Indians
were commanded by their war-chiefs, who were indulged in
their own mode of
conducting the attack, marching about twenty yards in
advance of the
warriors of their respective tribes. General Porter having
sent out scouts to
reconnoiter the enemy, the march was commenced by
signal, and
proceeded at first with great stillness and caution. The
chiefs have
signals, by which, on the discovery of any circumstance
requiring
consultation, or change of route or action, they convey notice
through their ranks
with great celerity, on which the whole line of
warriors drop
instantly on the ground, and remain there until further
orders. Two
manoeuvres of this kind occurred on the march, the first of
little moment, but
the second communicating through the scouts, the exact
position of the
enemy, who, apprised of their assailants' approach, lay
concealed in a
thicket of bushes, along the margin of Street's creek.
"A
consultation was thereupon held, and new orders given, the purport of
which was to change
the line of march, so as to meet the enemy to more
advantage, to
increase the speed as much as was consistent with the
preservation of
order, and to receive their first fire, but not to return
it except singly,
and when it could be done with certain effect, and then
to raise the
war-whoop, pursue, capture, and slay as many as practicable,
until they should
reach the open ground in front of Chippewa, and thence
return to camp.
"The march was
accordingly resumed, the fire of the enemy received, and a
rush accompanied
with savage yells made upon them, and continued for more
than a mile,
through scenes of frightful havoc and slaughter, few only of
the fugitives
offering to surrender as prisoners, while others, believing
that no quarter
would be given, suffered themselves to be cut down with
the tomahawk, or
turning back upon their pursuers, fought hand to hand to
the last.
"On reaching
the open field in front of Chippewa, the assailants were met
by a tremendous
discharge of musketry, by which the warriors, who were
principally in front,
were thrown back upon the volunteers and reserve,
who for want of
equal speed were a short distance in the rear. Presuming
that the fire had
come from the enemy he had been pursuing, and who had
rallied on reaching
the open ground, General Porter made an effort, not
without success, to
reform his line with volunteers, reserve and a portion
of the warriors;
but on again advancing to the margin of the woods, found
himself within a
few yards of the whole British regular army, formed in
line of battle, and
presenting within a given space at least three men
fresh from their
camp, to a single one in his own attenuated and exhausted
line. After
receiving and returning two or three fires, the enemy rushed
forward with
charged bayonets, when hearing nothing from General Scott, he
gave the order to
retreat and form again on the left of General Scott's
brigade, wherever
it should be found.
"It appears
that the British commander had resolved on making a general
attack, that day,
on the American camp; and in execution of this purpose
had marched his
whole force across the Chippewa, a short time before
General Porter
entered the woods with the Indians; and having sent forward
his Indians and
militia, which was the British force met in the woods, to
commence his attack
on the left flank of the Americans, formed in the
meantime his
battalions of regulars on the plain, under cover of the strip
of woodland which
divided the two camps, with his artillery on his left,
near the gorge
occupied by the road along the bank of the river; ready to
act the moment the
effect of the flank attack should be developed.
"The repulse
of General Porter's command was thus effected by the main
body of the British
army, while General Scott's brigade was more than a
mile in the rear,
and had not yet crossed the bridge over Street's
creek.... In a
retreat of a mile in a diagonal direction to the right, so
as to uncover the
enemy to the fire of the American line, then just
beginning to form,
they gained but little distance on the British columns,
who were in hot
pursuit. When General Porter and his staff arrived at
Street's creek,
they were met by Major Jessup's battalion, then in the act
of taking its
position, which was on the left, and a short distance from
the remainder of
General Scott's brigade; and the volunteers fatigued as
they were, aided
Major Jessup's evolutions, which were executed with great
order and celerity,
by breaking down the fences to enable him to pass from
the road bordering
on Street's creek, to his position in the field.
"Nothing could
exceed the coolness and order with which General Scott's
brigade crossed the
bridge and formed its line, under the galling fire of
the enemy's
artillery, and the headlong approach of his infantry, who,
when only fifty
yards distant, were received by a tremendous discharge of
musketry from the
American line, which forced them to fall back for a
considerable
distance. But they speedily rallied and advanced again, when
they were met in
the same gallant manner; and they thereupon fled, with as
much precipitation
as they had entered it, not halting until they had
recrossed the
Chippewa and destroyed their bridge.
"General Scott
pursued them around the point of woods, beyond which he
could only advance
in face of their batteries, and these he could not
reach by reason of
the intervening river. He therefore deployed to the
left, and forming a
line in the open field, in front of Chippewa, directed
his men to lie down
with their heads toward the batteries, the better to
avoid the effect of
their fire.
"The battle
between the regular troops, was but of a few minutes duration,
with the exception
of the artillery, which on both sides was earliest and
longest engaged,
and served with the most destructive effect; Colonel
Towson occupying
the right of the American line, on Street's creek, and
the British
artillery the left of theirs, at the point of woods, and both
commencing with the
first movements of the regular troops.
"Immediately
after the two lines had encountered on Street's creek, a
magnificent charger
completely caparisoned, but without a rider, was seen
prancing and
curveting in the centre of the battle field, and endeavoring
to make his escape
through the American line to the rear. Presuming that
he belonged to some
officer who had fallen, he was forthwith secured by
the servant of
General Porter, and immediately mounted by the General, to
whom he was a most
acceptable acquisition, after the labors of the day,
which he had
performed on foot.
"Riding up to
General Brown, who was also in the midst of the action,
General Porter
received his orders to march with the two hundred
Pennsylvanians, who
had been left in camp, to the support of General
Scott; which orders
were promptly executed by following General Scott's
brigade around the
point of woods, receiving the fire of the British
batteries, and
taking post on his left, with the men in the same recumbent
position. Here they
awaited the arrival of General Ripley's brigade, which
on the first
discovery that the whole British army was in the field, had
been ordered to
make a detour through the woods, and attack the enemy's
right. They soon
came up, in the same muddy plight with the volunteers and
Indians, who had
previously traversed the same ground; when the whole army
at about sundown
quietly retired to their camp, on the south side of
Street's creek.
"And thus
ended the battle of Chippewa, which probably produced more
important results
in favor of the American arms, than any other engagement
by land in the
course of that war; although there were several battles
fought on the
Niagara, if not elsewhere, during the same campaign,
exhibiting a
greater number of combatants engaged, a larger number of
slain, and a result
equally creditable to the gallantry and good conduct
of the American
soldiers.
"The first
advantage gained was in driving from the British army those
troublesome
enemies, their Indian allies, who had been the terror of our
troops in the west,
during all the preceding stages of the war, and had
kept the camps of
General Dearborn, General Lewis, and General Boyd, in a
perpetual panic
during the campaign of 1813. Terrified and disheartened by
the reception they
met with at Chippewa, they fled from the battle field
to the head of Lake
Ontario, a distance of thirty miles, without halting,
and never again
during the remainder of the war appeared in the British
camp."
[Footnote: Colonel Stone's Life and Times of Red Jacket. Mr. Stone
refers to General
Porter, as his authority, representing him as having
voluntarily
prepared the account given of this campaign.]
The Indians during
this engagement performed a most important service.
Their conduct was
highly commended by General Porter. Speaking of those
under his command,
General Porter says: "The great body of warriors as
well as volunteers,
engaged in the opening attack, fought with boldness,
not to say
desperation, unsurpassed by any other troops, until they were
placed in a
situation where it would have been madness not to retreat."
The part Red Jacket
took in this battle, though by no means conspicuous,
was such as to call
forth from an early biographer the affirmation, that
"he displayed
the most undaunted intrepidity, and completely redeemed his
character from the
suspicion of that unmanly weakness, with which he had
been charged in
early life; while in no instance did he exhibit the
ferocity of the
savage, or disgrace himself, by any act of outrage towards
a prisoner, or a
fallen enemy."
The same writer
adds: "His therefore was that true moral courage, which
results from self
respect, and the sense of duty, and which is more noble,
and a more active
principle, than that mere animal instinct which renders
many men insensible
to danger. Opposed to war, not ambitious of martial
fame, and unskilled
in military affairs, he went to battle from principle,
and met its perils
with the spirit of a veteran warrior, while he shrunk
from its cruelties
with the sensibility of a man and of a philosopher."
[Footnote: Life of
Red Jacket. McKenny's Indian Biography.]
Red Jacket as a
civil officer was not called to take so prominent a place
on the field of
battle, as the war chiefs. Yet in all of their
deliberations,
which were frequent during the campaign, he could act as
their counsellor,
as he did on every such occasion. He was uniformly their
principal orator,
and his manner on these occasions is represented as
being
"graceful and imposing in the eye of every beholder, and his voice
music, especially
in the ears of his own people. He had the power of
wielding them at
will, and the soul stirring trumpet could not produce a
more kindling
effect in the bosoms of a disciplined army, than would his
appeals upon the
warriors of his race." [Footnote: Col. Stone's Life of
Red Jacket.]
That the battle of
Chippewa was particularly severe to the Indian forces
engaged in it, may
be inferred from the fact that the British Indians
retreated not only
beyond the Chippewa, but stayed not until they had gone
thirty miles
further. The battle ground was strewed with many of their
number who had been
slain. Two, who had been mortally wounded, and were
still alive, were
despatched by a party of New York Indians, who were
looking for the
bodies of their fallen friends. Being reproached for their
conduct in taking
the life of an unresisting foe, one of them replied, in
a manner that
indicated evident sorrow for the deed done, "That it did
seem hard to take
the lives of these men, but they should remember that
these were very
hard times." [Footnote: Col. Stone.]
The sight of slain
warriors was far from being a pleasing object for Red
Jacket to behold,
and having ever been opposed to his people engaging in
contests that did
not really concern them, he proposed now that the
Indians had helped
chastise the British for burning one of their villages,
and as they were no
longer on Indian ground, that they should withdraw
from a further
participation in the war, in case they could prevail on
their Canadian
brethren to do the same.
With the consent
and approval of General Brown, a deputation of two brave
and influential
chiefs was sent to the Indians, who had fought with the
British, with this
in view. They were successful in persuading them to
enter into this
arrangement. The Indians therefore after this retired to
their villages,
with the exception of a few young braves, with whom the
love of war, was a
more potent influence, than the counsels of the aged
and more
considerate of their nation.
Soon after the
battle, our army forced a passage across the Chippewa, and
after a short
engagement the enemy gave way, and retired to Lake Ontario.
Our army continued
its march down the Niagara river, destroying some of
the British works
on their way.
With new forces
brought into the field, General Drummond took command of
the British, and on
the 25th of July the two armies met again, and there
was a hard fought,
but not very decisive battle, at Lundy's Lane, near
Niagara Falls. The
American army soon after fell back to Fort Erie. A
British force of
five thousand advanced and laid siege to the Fort, making
a vigorous assault
on the 15th of August. They were repulsed with a loss
of a thousand men.
Later, General Brown issued from the fort and gave them
so stunning a blow
as caused them to relinquish the siege.
Other successful
engagements during the year, ending with the signal
victory at New
Orleans under General Jackson, inspired greatly the hopes
of the American
people, and served likewise to repress the ardor of their
opponents; which
led to the return of peace with England, which was
concluded at Ghent
on the 24th of December, 1814.
CHAPTER XVIII
Pre-emptive right
to the Indian Reservations sold to Ogden and Company--
Council to obtain
the lands--Mr. Ogden's speech--Red Jacket's reply--
Indians refuse to
sell--Another Council called--Account of it by Hon.
Albert
Tracy--Various utterances of the orator on that occasion--Indians'
appeal to the
governments of the United States and New York--Noble
response of
Governor De Witt Clinton of New York--Final success of the
Ogden Company.
Though the Indian
lands within the state of New York, had now been
narrowed down to a
comparatively small compass, there were not wanting
those who would
take from them, the remaining portion of their ancient
inheritance. The
preemptive right to their reservations was sold by the
Holland Land
Company, to Colonel Aaron Ogden and others, who were known as
the Ogden Company.
The efforts of these gentlemen to induce the Indians to
dispose of their
reservations, resulted in calling several Indian
councils, at which
Red Jacket was the prominent speaker, and in which the
entire force of his
great powers was summoned, to withstand and thwart
their endeavors.
A council for this
purpose was convened at their village near Buffalo,
during the summer
of 1819. The Hon. Morris S. Miller of Oneida, was
present as a
commissioner on the part of the United States; and the Hon.
Nathaniel Gorham of
Canandaigua, represented the interests of the state of
Massachusetts.
Captain Parrish of Canandaigua, and Captain Horatio Jones
of Genesee, were
present as interpreters.
As it was known Red
Jacket was to speak in opposition to the interests of
the Land Company,
the occasion drew together a large concourse of people;
pale faces as well
as red, who were interested in the result of the
negotiations
contemplated, as also by a desire to hear the speech of the
distinguished
orator of the Senecas. Of this Colonel Stone remarks: "No
subsequent
assemblage of the Indians within the state of New York, has
presented so
numerous and imposing an array, nor is it likely that so many
of them will ever
again meet, on the soil of their fathers."
A gentleman who was
present at this treaty by the invitation of a friend,
speaks of it, in
the following terms:--"My friend and myself having
arrived on the
ground at an early hour; we saw at a little distance from
the wigwams, a
group of Indians, under the shade of a cluster of plum
trees, lying on the
ground. Among these were a number of chiefs, of whom
in a conspicuous
place, was Red Jacket, apparently in deep thought, with a
pile of little
small sticks, two or three inches long, before him.
"I inquired of
a gentleman who was conversant with Indian proceedings,
what Red Jacket was
doing? He replied that he was studying his speech, and
advised us to
retire, as he perceived it disturbed him. About this time
the commissioners,
Governor Ogden, his friends, and the two celebrated
Indian
interpreters, Parrish and Jones, and a large concourse of people,
gentlemen and
ladies, began to assemble under another cluster of trees,
where benches had
been prepared in two parallel lines, with a wide space
between, and seats
across the upper end, for the commissioners. The long
seats were occupied
on the right by Messrs. Ogden, their officers, and
other gentlemen and
ladies; the left by Red Jacket, a large number of
chiefs, and other
Indians.
"There was
order, dignity, and perfect silence. The contest soon
commenced. Governor
Ogden, a dignified, fine looking man, rose and opened
the case. Mr.
Parrish, a man of large stature, stood up at the same time,
and interpreted it
to the Indians, sentence by sentence." [Footnote:
Author's Scrap
Book.]
The object was to
buy the Indian title, as they had already brought the
pre-emptive right.
Governor Ogden told them it was the wish of their great
Father, the
President of the United States, that they should sell these
lands, and go down
to a reservation on the Allegany river, where they
could live in
peace, and have a good foothold forever; and used various
arguments in favor
of such a course.
After Governor Ogden
had finished his speech, Red Jacket rose with a great
deal of composure,
and adjusting his belt of handsome wampum, and looking
to the sky for a
moment spoke. Mr. Parrish interpreted: "Red Jacket says
he thanks the Great
Spirit that we are all alive and here this pleasant
day." He then
addressed the commissioners, answering all the statements
and arguments of
Governor Ogden in their order, unfolding a long roll of
parchments attached
together, of treaties that had been made at different
times by the United
States, with the Six Nations. They had been preserved
in good order. He
pointed to the dates, and to the substance of the
treaties from time
to time, with great accuracy, as appeared from the
interpretation,
answering Governor Ogden with the most forcible arguments,
interspersed with
wit and humor. His speech on this occasion, as quoted by
Col. Stone, is as
follows:
"Brother: We
understand that you have been appointed by our great Father,
the President, to
make these communications to us. We thank the Great
Spirit for this
pleasant day given us for our reply, and we beg you to
listen.
"BROTHER:
Previous to your arrival at this council fire, we were told that
our great Father
had appointed a commissioner to meet us. You have
produced your
commission, and it has been read and explained to us. You
have also explained
the object of your mission, and the wishes of the
President in
sending you to the council fire of the Six Nations. We do not
doubt that the sealed
document you produced, contained the words of the
President, our
great Father. When first informed of your appointment, we
supposed that you
were coming to meet us on a very different subject.
Since the war of
the Revolution, we have held various councils with our
white brothers, and
in this same manner. We have made various speeches,
and entered into
several treaties, and these things are well known to our
great Father; they
are lodged with him. We, too, perfectly understand them
all. The same
interpreters were then present as now. In consequence of
what took place
during the late war, we made it known to our great Father,
through our
interpreter, that we wished to have a talk. Our application
was not complied
with. We sent a messenger to brighten the chain of
friendship with our
great Father, but he would not meet around the council
fire, and we were
disappointed. We had supposed that the commissioner he
has now sent, came
forward to brighten the chain of friendship, to renew
former engagements.
When we made a treaty at Canandaigua with Colonel
Pickering in 1794,
we were told, and thought that it was to be permanent,
and to be lasting,
between us and the United States forever. After several
treaties had been
entered into under our great Father, General Washington,
large delegations
from the Six Nations were invited to meet him. We went
and met him in
Philadelphia. We kindled a council fire. A treaty was then
made, and General
Washington then declared that it should be permanent
between the red and
white brothers; that it should be spread out on the
largest and
strongest rocks, that nothing could undermine or break; that
it should be
exposed to the view of all.
"BROTHER: We
shall now see what has been done by the United States. After
this treaty had
been formed I then said that I did not doubt, but that the
United States would
faithfully perform their engagements. But I told our
white brothers at
that time, that I feared eventually they would wish to
disturb those
contracts. You white brothers have the faculty to burst the
stoutest rocks. On
our part we would not have disturbed those treaties.
Shortly after our
interview with our great Father, General Washington, at
Philadelphia, a
treaty was made at Canandaigua, by which we widened our
former engagements
with our white brothers, and made some new ones. The
commissioner,
Colonel Pickering, then told us that this treaty should be
binding and should
last, without alteration for two lives. We wished to
make it extend much
farther, and the Six Nations then wished to establish
a lasting chain of
friendship. On our part, we wished the treaty to last
as long as trees
grow, and waters run. Our Brother told us that he would
agree to it.
"BROTHER: I
have reminded you of what had taken place between our
confederates, the
Six Nations, and our white brothers, down to the treaty
of Canandaigua. At
the close of that treaty it was agreed, it being as
strong and binding,
as by my former comparisons I have explained, that if
any difficulty
should occur, if any monster should cross the chain of
friendship, that we
would unite to remove those difficulties, to drive
away the monster;
that we would go hand in hand and prolong the chain. So
it was agreed.
"BROTHER: Many
years ago we discovered a cloud rising that darkened the
prospect of our
peace and happiness. We heard eventful things from
different quarters,
from different persons, and at different times, and
foresaw that the
period was not very distant, when this threatening cloud
would burst upon
us.
"BROTHER:
During the late war we intended to take no part. Yet residing
within the limits
of the United States, and with the advice of General
Porter, we agreed
around our council fire, that it was right, and we took
a part. We thought
it would help to promote our friendship with our white
brothers, to aid
the arms of the United States, and to make our present
seats still
stronger. These were our reasons. What were the results? We
lost many of our
warriors. We spilt our blood in a cause between you, and
a people not of our
color.
"BROTHER:
These things may be new to you, but they are not new to your
government. Records
of these things are with our great Father, the
President. You have
come, therefore, for a very different purpose from the
one we expected.
You come to tell us of our situation, of our
reservations, of
the opinion of the President that we must change our old
customs for new
ones; that we must concentrate in order to enjoy the fair
means you offer of
civilization, and improvement in the arts of
agriculture.
"BROTHER: At
the treaty of Canandaigua, we were promised that different
kinds of mechanics,
blacksmiths, and carpenters, should be sent among us;
and farmers with
their families, that our women might learn to spin. We
agreed to receive
them. We even applied for these benefits. We were told
that our children
were too young to be taught. Neither farmers or
mechanics were
sent.
"BROTHER: We
had thought that the promises made by one President, were
handed down to the
next. We do not change our chiefs as you do. Since
these treaties were
made, you have had several Presidents. We do not
understand why the
treaty made by one, is not binding on the other. On our
part we expect to
comply with our engagements.
"BROTHER: You
told us when the country was surrounded by whites, and in
possession of
Indians, that it was unproductive, not being liable to
taxes, nor to make
roads nor improvements, it was time to change. As for
the taxing of
Indians, this is extra-ordinary; and was never heard of,
since the
settlement of America. The land is ours, by the gift of the
Great Spirit. How
can you tax it? We can make such roads as we want, and
did so when the
land was all ours. We are improving our condition. See
these large stocks
of cattle, and those fences. We are surrounded by the
whites, from whom
we can procure cattle, and whatever is necessary for our
improvement. Now
that we are confined to narrow limits, we can easily make
our roads, and
improve our lands.
"Look back to
the first settlement by the whites, and then look at our
present condition.
Formerly we continued to grow in numbers, and in
strength. What has
become of the Indians, who extended to the salt water?
They have been
driven back and become few, while you have been growing
numerous, and
powerful. This lands is ours, from the God of Heaven. It was
given to us. We
cannot make land. Driven back and reduced as we are, you
wish to cramp us
more and more. You tell us of a pre-emptive right. Such
men you say own one
reservation, and such another. But they are all ours,
ours from the top
to the bottom. If Mr. Ogden had come from heaven, with
flesh on his bones,
as I we now see him, and said that the Heavenly Father
had given him a
title, we might then believe him.
"BROTHER: You
say that the President has sent us word that it is for our
interest to dispose
of our lands. You tell us that there is a good tract
of land at
Allegany. This too is very extraordinary. Our feet have covered
every inch of that
reservation. A communication like this has never been
made to us, at any
of our councils. The President must have been
disordered in mind,
when he offered to lead us off by the arms, to the
Allegany
reservation. I have told you of the treaty we made with the
United States. Here
is the belt of wampum, that confirmed that treaty.
Here too is the
parchment. You know its contents. I will not open it. Now
the tree of
friendship is decaying; its limbs are fast falling off. You
are at fault.
"Formerly we
called the British brothers. Now we call the President, our
Father. Probably
among you, are persons with families of children. We
consider ourselves
the children of the President. What would be your
feelings, were you
told that your children were to be cast upon a naked
rock, there to
protect themselves? The different claims you tell us of, on
our lands, I cannot
understand. We are placed here by the Great Spirit,
for purposes known
to him. You have no right to interfere. You told us
that we had large
and unproductive tracts of land. We do not view it so.
Our seats, we
consider small; and if we are left here long, by the Great
Spirit, we shall
stand in need of them. We shall be in want of timber.
Land after many
years' use wears out; our fields must be renewed, and new
ones improved, so
that we have no more land in our reservations than we
want. Look at the
white people around us, and back. You are not cramped
for lands. They are
large. Look at that man. [Footnote: Mr. Ellicott,
agent of the
Holland Land Company.] If you want to buy, apply to him. He
has lands enough to
sell. We have none to part with. You laugh, but do not
think I trifle. I
am sincere. Do not think we are hasty in making up our
minds. We have had
many councils, and thought for a long time upon this
subject. We will
not part with any, not with one of our reservations.
"We recollect
that Mr. Ogden addressed his speech to you, therefore I have
spoken to you. Now
I will speak to Mr. Ogden.
"BROTHER: You
recollect when you first came to this ground, that you told
us you had bought
the pre-emptive right. A right to purchase given you by
the government.
Remember my reply. I told you, you had been unfortunate in
buying. You said
you would not disturb us. I then told you as long as I
lived, you must not
come forward to explain that right. You have come. See
me before you. You
have heard our reply to the commissioner sent by the
President. I again
repeat that, one and all, chiefs and warriors, we are
of the same mind.
We will not part with any of our reservations. Do not
make your
application anew, nor in any other shape. Let us hear no more of
it. Let us part as
we met, in friendship."
Col. Stone refers
to the kindness of Major Joseph Delafield, for the
speeches made at
this council, as given in his work, and the most
important of which
is presented here; they were taken down at the time
from the lips of
the interpreter, who stated that "he could not translate
some of Red
Jacket's figurative flights, they were too wild and difficult
to be rendered in
English, and he did not attempt it." Much doubtless that
served to give
point and zest to his speech, was either omitted, or lost
its force, in being
transferred to our language. The writer of the sketch
previously alluded
to, among several points in this speech which were
impressed on his
memory, mentions one not found in the above. "The
gentleman says,
that our great Father says, we can go Allegany, and have a
good foothold
forever; _yes, a good foothold, for it is all rock_."
Though the efforts
of the Ogden Company to obtain the consent of the
Indians to sell
their remaining lands, were at this time unsuccessful,
they were nevertheless
repeated. The demand of Red Jacket, "do not make
your application
anew, nor in any other shape," was unheeded.
Col. Stone, on the
authority of the Hon. Albert Tracy, mentions a treaty
held for this same
purpose in 1822 or 1823, in which Red Jacket replied to
a speech made by
the commissioner, and also by Governor Ogden, entering,
as in the preceding
speech, upon a regular and connected history of the
transactions of the
Indians with the whites, up to that time, and in the
course of his
speech, used the language very happily alluded to by Mr.
Bryant, in his
memorial address.
At the close of the
speech that has been quoted almost entire, some of his
people desired him
to apologize for one or two utterances he had made,
regarding them as
rude, and adapted to awaken unpleasant reflections. He
refused, saying,
"NO, IT HAS GONE FORTH, LET IT STAND." A circumstance
doubtless alluded
to, in the words which immediately follow: "Often the
fierceness of his
temper, the righteous indignation that swelled his
bosom, impelled him
to hurl defiance at his foes, and to use language, the
possible
consequences of which, caused the more timid and abject of his
followers, to
tremble with apprehension. But Red Jacket would retract not
a single word,
although a majority of the chiefs, would sometimes secretly
deprecate the
severity of his utterances."
"Again on
other occasions, sorely beset and almost despairing, he would
essay to melt the
hearts of the pitiless pursuers of his people, and give
utterance to such
touching words as these:
"We first knew
you a feeble plant, which wanted a little earth whereon to
grow. We gave it to
you, and afterward, when we could have trod you under
our feet, we
watered and protected you; and now you have grown to be a
mighty tree, whose
top reaches the clouds, and whose branches overspread
the whole land;
whilst we, who were then the tall pine of the forest, have
become the feeble
plant and need your protection."
"Again
assuming the pleading tones of a supplicant, he said, 'when you
first came here,
you clung around our knee, and called us FATHER. We took
you by the hand and
called you BROTHERS. You have grown greater than we,
so that we can no
longer reach up to your hand. But we wish to cling
around your knee,
and be called YOUR CHILDREN.'"
In this same
speech, referring to their services during the late war with
England, he said:
"Not long ago
you raised the war-club against him, who was once our great
Father over the
waters. You asked us to go with you to the war. It was not
our quarrel. We
knew not that you were right. We asked not; we cared not;
it was enough for
us, that you were our brothers. We went with you to the
battle. We fought
and bled for you; and now," his eye kindling with
emotion, and the
deepest feeling indicated in his utterance, as he pointed
to some Indians
present, that had been wounded in that contest; "and now,
dare you pretend to
us, that our Father the President, while he sees our
blood running, yet
fresh from the wounds received, while fighting his
battles, has sent
you with a message to persuade us to relinquish the poor
remains of our once
boundless possessions; to sell the birth place of our
children, and the
graves of our fathers! No! Sooner than believe that he
gave you this
message, we will believe that _you have stolen your
commission, and are
a cheat and a liar_."
Once more, speaking
of the pre-emptive right and the assurance given them
that their lands
were desired only in return for a fair equivalent of
their value, he
called their attention to the great cessions the Indians
had already made,
together with the solemn declarations that they should
not be importuned
to relinquish their remaining reservations, he said:
"You tell us
of your claim to our land, and that you have purchased it
from your State. We
know nothing of your claim, and we care nothing for
it. Even the whites
have a law by which they cannot sell what they do not
own. How then has
your State, which never owned our land, sold it to you?
We have a title to
it, and we know that our title is good; for it came
direct from the
Great Spirit, who gave it to us, his red children. When
you can ascend
where he is," pointing toward the skies, "and will get his
deed, and show it
to us, then, and never till then, will we acknowledge
your title. You say
you came not to cheat us of our lands, but to buy
them. Who told you
that we have lands to sell? You never heard it from
us."
Then rising up and
giving Mr. Ogden a look of deep earnestness, if not of
indignation, he
said:
"Did I not
tell you the last time we met, that whilst Red Jacket lived,
you would get no
more lands of the Indians? How then, while you see him
alive and
strong," striking his hand violently on his breast, "_do you
think to make him a
liar?_"
The persistence
with which the Senecas were importuned to sell their
lands, led them to
make an appeal to the president, and afterward to the
governor of New
York.
The latter,
Governor De Witt Clinton, sent them a reply worthy of his name
and office. It is
as follows:
"All the right
that Ogden and his company have to your reservations, is
the right of
purchasing them when you think it expedient to sell them,
that is, they can
buy your lands, but no other person can. You may retain
them as long as you
please, and you may sell them to Ogden as soon as you
please. You are the
owners of these lands in the same way that your
brethren the
Oneidas, are of their reservations. They are all that is left
of what the Great
Spirit gave to your ancestors. No man shall deprive you
of them without
your consent. The State will protect you in the full
enjoyment of your
property. We are strong and willing to shield you from
oppression. The
Great Spirit looks down on the conduct of mankind, and
will punish us if
we permit the remnant of the Indian nations which is
with us to be
injured. We feel for you, brethren; we shall watch over your
interests. We know
that in a future world we shall be called upon to
answer for our
conduct to our fellow creatures."
Col. Stone refers
to the Hon. Albert H. Tracy, as having furnished the
notes of the
council we have just been considering. The same authority
speaking of the
eloquence of Red Jacket, says: "It is evident that the
best translations
of Indian speeches, must fail to express the beauty and
sublimity of the
originals; especially of such an original as Red Jacket.
It has been my good
fortune to hear him a few times, but only of late
years, and when his
powers were enfeebled by age, and still more, by
intemperance. But I
shall never forget the impression made on me, the
first time I saw
him in council:
"Deep on his front engraven,
"Deliberation sate, and public care,
"And princely counsel in his face yet
shone,
"Majestic, though in ruin.
"I can give no
idea of the strong impression it made on my mind, though
conveyed to it
through the medium of an illiterate interpreter, Even in
this mangled form,
I saw the _disjecta membra_ of a regular and
splendid
oration." [Footnote: Col. Stone's Life and Times of Red Jacket.]
The Ogden Company
though defeated time and again by the watchfulness, and
powerful influence
of Red Jacket, continued to ply their endeavors, until
by degrees, the
remaining portion of their once proud inheritance, was
wrested from them,
and the orator was left in the decline of life to
survey, as he often
did in a spirit of dejection, the haunts of his youth,
which had nearly
all passed into other hands, through the craft and
avarice of the
white man.
CHAPTER XIX.
Witchcraft--Lease
of Tom-Jemmy--Testimony of Red Jacket--Red Jacket's
Philippic--Finding
of the court--Remarkable interview of Dr. Breckenridge
with Red
Jacket--Further expression of views.
In the spring of
1821, a man belonging to Red Jacket's tribe, fell into a
languishing
condition, and after lingering for some time, unable to obtain
relief, died. The
_medicine men_ were unable to divine the cause of
his malady; the
circumstances of his sickness and death, were thought to
be very peculiar,
and his friends could discover no better way of
explaining the
matter, than to suppose he had been bewitched.
The Indians
believed in sorcery, and at different times in their history
had been known to
execute summary judgment, on those whom they supposed to
be guilty of
practicing the Satanic art. In the present instance suspicion
rested on the
woman, by whom he had been attended, during his sickness. In
pursuance of the
customs of their nation she was condemned to die. The
sentence was
executed by Soo-nong-gise, a chief, commonly called Tom-
Jemmy. It took
place at their reservation near Buffalo. Coming to the
knowledge of the
whites in the vicinity, it excited feelings of horror,
mingled with
indignation. The case was taken in hand by their authorities,
who without regard
to Indian jurisdiction, arrested Tom-Jemmy and threw
him into prison.
At his trial the
plea was set up in his defense, that the Indians were a
sovereign and
independent nation, having their own laws, and their own
mode of carrying
them into execution; that the offense was within the
acknowledged bounds
of their own territory, that according to their laws,
it was not a crime,
inasmuch as the act of the prisoner was in the
execution of a
sentence, that had been passed upon the woman in question.
The trial was
conducted with reference to this issue, and numerous
witnesses were
examined to substantiate the facts having a bearing on the
case. Red Jacket,
among others, was called upon the stand, and examined
with reference to
the laws, and usages of his people.
The counsel who
conducted the prosecution, wishing to exclude his
testimony, inquired
whether he believed in the existence of a God? "_More
truly than one who
could ask me such a question_;" was his instant and
indignant reply.
On cross
examination the inquiry was made, as to the rank he held among
his own people?
"Look at the papers, which the white men keep the most
carefully,"
meaning the treaties ceding their lands, "and they will tell
you."
The orator's
testimony, as did also that of other witnesses, who testified
in the case, went
to show that this woman, according to the judgment of
the Indians, was a
witch. That she had been regularly tried, and condemned
by their laws; and
her death was in conformity with usages, that had been
in existence among
them, from time immemorial.
During the course
of this examination, Red Jacket perceived that the
belief of the
Indians in witchcraft, was made a subject of ridicule among
the bystanders, as
well as legal gentlemen present, and he took occasion
when an opportunity
offered, to break forth in the following language:
"What! Do you
denounce us as fools and bigots, because we still believe
that which you
yourselves believed two centuries ago? Your black coats
thundered this
doctrine from the pulpit, your judges pronounced it from
the bench, and
sanctioned it with the formalities of law; and you would
now punish our
unfortunate brother, for adhering to the faith of _his_
fathers and of
_yours_! Go to Salem! Look at the records of your own
government, and you
will find that hundreds have been executed for the
very crime, which
has called forth the sentence of condemnation against
this woman, and
drawn down upon her the arms of vengeance. What have our
brothers done, more
than the rulers of your own people have done? And what
crime has this man
committed, by executing in a summary way, the laws of
his country, and
the command of the Great Spirit?" [Footnote: Col. Stone,
and also Drake's
Book of the Indians.]
It has been
observed of Red Jacket's appearance on this occasion: "there
is not, perhaps in
nature, a more expressive eye than that of Red Jacket;
when fired by
indignation or revenge, it is terrible; and when he chooses
to display his
unrivalled talent for irony, his keen sarcastic glance, is
irresistible."
[Footnote: Drake.]
This trial resulted
in finding the allegations in the prisoner's plea to
be true; yet the
judgment being suspended, it was referred finally to the
Supreme Court. A
thorough examination of the laws, treaties and history
relating to our
correspondence with the Indian tribes, gave evidence of a
sort of sovereignty
among them, but as it was thought inexpedient to
render a decision,
that would recognize their independent jurisdiction,
the prisoner was
liberated, and the case dismissed.
Not far from the
time we are now considering, a remarkable conversation
took place between
Red Jacket and a young candidate for the clerical
office, who
afterward became an eminent divine. [Footnote: Rev. John
Breckenridge, D.
D.] It serves very much to illustrate the orator's
character and
views, and as we have permission, we give it entire, as
follows:
"The
first-opportunity I ever enjoyed of seeing that deservedly celebrated
Indian chief, Red
Jacket, was in the year 1821, at the residence of
General Peter B.
Porter, Black Rock, New York. Being on a visit to the
general and his
family, it seemed a peculiarly fit occasion to become
acquainted with the
great Seneca orator, whose tribe resided within a few
miles of Black
Rock. General Porter embraced in his command, the Indian
warriors who fought
with us on that line, during the late war, with Great
Britain. From this
cause; from his high character; his intimate
acquaintance with
the chiefs; and his known attachment to these
interesting people,
he had great influence over them; and his lamented
lady, who it is not
indelicate for me to say, was my sister, had by her
kindness won the
rugged hearts of all their leading men. So that their
united influence,
and my near relationship to them, secured to me at once
access to the
chiefs, and their entire confidence.
"I had not
only a great desire to see Red Jacket, but also to use this
important
opportunity to correct some of his false impressions, in regard
to Christianity,
and the missionaries established in his tribe. To this
end it was agreed
to invite Red Jacket and the other chiefs of the
Senecas, to visit
Co-na-shus-ta, [Footnote: Name given by Red Jacket to
General Porter.]
and meet his brother at his house. The invitation was
accordingly given,
and very promptly and respectfully accepted.
"On the
appointed day they made their appearance in due form headed by Red
Jacket, to the
number of perhaps eight or ten, besides himself. Red Jacket
was dressed with
much taste, in the Indian costume throughout. He wore a
blue dress, the
upper garment cut after the fashion of a hunting shirt,
with blue leggings,
very neat moccasins, a red jacket, and a girdle of red
about his waist. I
have seldom seen a more dignified or noble looking body
of men than the
entire group. It seems, though no such impression was
designed to be made
by the terms of the invitation, that some indefinite
expectation had
been excited in their minds, of meeting an official agent
on important
business. And they have been so unworthily tampered with, and
so badly treated by
us, as a people, and many of their most important
treaties have been
so much the result of private and corrupting appeals,
that they very
naturally look for some evil design in every approach to
them, however open
and simple it may be. So it was on this occasion. As
soon as the
ceremonies of introduction had passed, with the civilities
growing out of it,
the old orator seated himself in the midst of the
circle of chiefs,
and after a word with them, followed by a general
assent, he
proceeded in a very serious and commanding manner, always
speaking in his own
nervous tongue, through an interpreter, to address me
as follows:
"'We have had
a call from our good friends,' (pointing to the general and
his lady), 'to come
down to Black Rock to meet their brother. We are glad
to break bread and
to drink the cup of friendship with them. They are
great friends to
our people, and we love them much. Co-na-shus-ta is a
great man. His
woman has none like her. We often come to their house. We
thank them for
telling us to come to-day. But as all the chiefs were asked
we expected some
important talk. Now, here we are: what is your business?'
"This, as may
be readily supposed, was an embarrassing position to a young
man just out of
college. I paused. Every countenance was fixed upon me,
while Red Jacket in
particular seemed to search me with his arrowy eye,
and to feel that
the private and informal nature of the meeting, and the
extreme youth of
the man, were hardly in keeping with the character and
number of the
guests invited; and his whole manner implied, that 'but for
the sake of the
general and his good viands, I should have waited for you
to come to us.'
With these impressions of his feelings, I proceeded to say
in reply:
"That I should
have thought it very presumptuous in me to send for him
alone, and still
more for all the chiefs of his tribe, to come so far to
see me; and that my
intention had been to visit him, and the other chiefs
at his town; but
the general and his lady, could not go with me to
introduce me. Nor
were we at all certain that we should find him and the
other chiefs at
home; and at any rate the general's house was more
convenient. He
intended, when he asked them, to keep them as long as they
could stay, and to
invite them to break his bread, and drink his cup, and
smoke his pipe;
that his woman, and he as well as I, desired to see them
at their house;
that as to myself, I was a young man, and had no business
with them, except
that I had heard a great deal of Red Jacket, and wished
to see him and hear
him talk; and also that I had some things to say to
him, when we were
better acquainted, which though not _business_, were
important to his
people; and I thought it would be interesting to him, as
I knew he loved his
people much; and finally that I would return his
visit, and show him
that it was not out of disrespect, but out of regard
for him, and great
desire to see him, that we had sent for him, this being
the way that white
men honor one another.
"Mrs. Porter
immediately confirmed what I had said, and gave special point
to the hospitality
of the house, and the great desire I had to see Red
Jacket. Her appeal,
added to the reply, relaxed the rigor of his manner
and that of the
other chiefs, while it relieved our interview of all
painful feelings.
"After this
general letting down of the scene, Red Jacket turned to me
familiarly and
asked; 'What are you? You say you are not a government
agent, are you a
gambler? [Footnote: The name given by Red Jacket to a
land speculator.]
or a black coat? or what are you?' I answered: 'I am yet
too young a man to
engage in any profession: but I hope some of these days
to be a black
coat.' He lifted up his hands accompanied by his eyes, in a
most expressive
way, and though not a word was uttered, every one fully
understood that he
very distinctly expressed the sentiment, what a fool!
"I had too
often been called to bear from those reputed great and wise
among _white_ men,
the shame of the cross, to be surprised by his
manner; and I was
too anxious to conciliate his good feelings to attempt
any retort, so that
I commanded my countenance, and seeming not to have
observed him, I
proceeded to tell him something about our colleges, etc.,
etc. That gradually
led his mind away from the ideas with which it was
filled and excited
when he arrived.
"A good deal
of general conversation ensued, addressed to one and another
of the chiefs, and
we were just arriving at the hour of dinner, when our
conference was
suddenly broken up by the arrival of a breathless
messenger, saying
that an old chief, whose name I forget, had just died,
and the other
chiefs were immediately needed to attend his burial. One of
the chiefs shed
tears at the news; all seemed serious; but the others
suppressed their
feelings, and spent a few moments in very earnest
conversation, the
result of which Red Jacket announced to us. They had
determined to
return at once to their village; but consented to leave Red
Jacket and his
interpreter. In vain were they urged to wait until after
dinner, or to
refresh themselves with something eaten by the way. With
hurried farewell
and quick steps they left the house, and by the nearest
footpath returned
home.
"This
occurrence relieved me of one difficulty. It enabled me to see Red
Jacket at leisure
and alone. It seemed also to soften his feelings, and
make him more
affable and kind.
"Soon after
the departure of the chiefs, we were ushered to dinner. Red
Jacket behaved with
great propriety, in all respects; his interpreter,
Major Berry, though
half a white man and perhaps a chief, eat like a true
savage. After a few
awkward attempts at the knife and fork, he found
himself falling
behind, and repeating the old adage which is often quoted
to cover the same
style among our white urchins of picking a chicken-bone,
'_that fingers were
made before knives and forks_,' he proceeded with
real gusto, and
much good humor, to make up his lost time upon all parts
of the dinner. It
being over, I invited Red Jacket into the general's
office, where we
had, for four hours a most interesting conversation on a
variety of topics,
but chiefly connected with Christianity; the government
of the United
States; the missionaries; and his loved lands.
"So great a length
of time has passed since that interview, that there
must be supposed a
failure in the attempt perfectly to report what was
said. I am well
assured I cannot do justice to his language, even as
diluted by the
ignorant interpreter; and his manner cannot be described.
But it was so
impressive a conversation, and I have so often been called
on to repeat it,
that the substance of his remarks has been faithfully
retained by my
memory. It is only attempted here to recite a small part of
what was then said,
and that with particular reference to the illustration
of his character,
mind and opinions.
"It has
already been mentioned and is largely known, that Red Jacket
cherished the most
violent antipathy toward the American missionaries, who
had been located
among his people. This led to very strenuous resistance
of their influence,
and to hatred of their religion, but of the true
character of which,
he was totally ignorant. His deep attachment to his
people, and his
great principle that their national glory and even
existence, depended
upon keeping themselves distinct from white men, lay
at the foundation
of his aversion to Christianity. Though a pagan, yet his
opposition was
political, and he cared very little for any religion except
so far as it seemed
to advance, or endanger the glory and safety of the
tribe.
"He had
unfortunately been led by designing and corrupt white men, who
were interested in
the result, falsely to associate the labors of the
missionaries, with
designs against his nation; and those who wished the
Senecas removed
from their lands that _they_ might profit by the
purchase, and who
saw in the success of the mission the chief danger to
_their_ plans,
artfully enlisted the pagan party, of which Red Jacket
was the leader, to
oppose the missionaries, and thus effectually led to
the final
frustration of Red Jacket's policy; in and by the defeat of the
missionary
enterprise. But as this question is discussed in the sequel, I
will not anticipate.
Thus much it was necessary to premise, in order to
explain the nature
and ends of my interview with Red Jacket.
"My object was
to explain the true state of the case to him, and after
this to recommend
the doctrine of Christ to his understanding and heart.
My first step,
therefore, was to ask him why he so strongly opposed the
settlement and
labors of the missionaries? He replied, because they are
the enemies of the
Indians, and under the cloak of doing them good are
trying to cheat
them out of their lands. I asked him what proof he had of
this. He said he
had been told so by some of his wise and good friends,
among the white
men, and he observed that the missionaries were constantly
wanting more land,
and that by little and little, for themselves, or those
who hired them to
do it, they would take away all their lands, and drive
them off.
"I asked him
if he knew there was a body of white men, who had already
bought the
exclusive right to buy their lands, from the government of New
York, and that therefore
the missionaries could not hold the lands given
or sold them by the
Indians, a moment after the latter left their lands
and went away. He
seemed to be startled by the statement, but said
nothing. I
proceeded to tell him that the true effect of the missionary
influence on the
tribe was to secure to them the possession of their
lands, by
civilizing them, and making them quit the chase, for the
cultivation of the
soil, building good houses, educating their children,
and making them
permanent citizens and good men. This was what the
speculators did not
wish. Therefore they hated the missionaries. He
acknowledged that
the Christian party among the Indians did as I said; but
that was not the
way for an Indian to do. Hunting, war and manly pursuits,
were best fitted to
them. But, said I, your reservation of land is too
little for that
purpose. It is surrounded by the white people, like a
small island by the
sea; the deer, the buffalo and bear, have all gone.
This won't do. If
you intend to live so much longer, you will have to go
to the great
western wilderness, where there is plenty of game, and no
white men to
trouble you. But he said, we wish to keep our lands and to be
buried by our
fathers. I know it, and therefore I say that the
missionaries are
your best friends; for if you follow the ways they teach,
you can still hold
your lands, though you cannot have hunting grounds, and
therefore you must
either do like white men, or remove from your lands,
very soon. Your
plan of keeping the Indians distinct from the white people
is begun too late.
If you would do it and have large grounds, and would
let the
missionaries teach you Christianity, far from the bad habits and
big farms of the
white people, it would then be well: it would keep your
people from being
corrupted, and swallowed up by our people who grow so
fast around you,
and many of whom are very bad. But it is too late to do
it here, and you
must choose between keeping the missionaries, and being
like white men, and
going to a far country: as it is, I continued, Red
Jacket is doing
more than any body else to break up and drive away his
people.
"This
conversation had much effect upon him. He grasped my hand and said
if that were the
case it was new to him. He also said he would lay it up
in his mind
(putting his hand to his noble forehead), and talk of it to
the chiefs, and the
people.
"It is a very
striking fact that the disgraceful scenes now passing before
the public eye over
the grave of Red Jacket, so early and so sadly fulfil
these predictions;
and I cannot here forbear to add that the thanks of the
nation are due to
our present chief-magistrate, [Footnote: The President
alluded to is Mr.
Van Buren.--W. L. S.] for the firmness with which he has
resisted the recent
efforts to force a fraudulent treaty on the remnant of
this injured
people, and drive them against their will, and against law
and treaties
sacredly made, away from their lands, to satisfy the rapacity
of unprincipled
men.
"It may be
proper here to say likewise, that I do by no means intend to
justify, all that
possibly may have been done by the missionaries to the
Senecas. It is
probable the earliest efforts were badly conducted; and men
of more ability
ought to have been sent to that peculiar and difficult
station. But it is
not for a moment to be admitted, nor is it credible
that the authors of
the charge believe it, that the worthy men who at
every sacrifice
went to the mission among the Senecas, had any other than
the purest
purposes. I visited the station, and intimately knew the chief
missionary. I
marked carefully their plan and progress, and do not doubt
their usefulness
any more than their uprightness; and beyond all doubt it
was owing chiefly to
malignant influence exerted by white men, that they
finally failed in
their benevolent designs. But my business is to narrate,
not to discuss.
"My next
object was to talk with Red Jacket about Christianity itself. He
was prompt in his
replies, and exercised and encouraged frankness, with a
spirit becoming a
great man.
"He admitted
both its truth and excellence, as adapted to white men. He
said some keenly
sarcastic things about the treatment that so good a man
as Jesus, had
received from white men. The white men, he said, ought all
to be sent to hell
for killing him; but as the Indians had no hand in that
transaction, they
were in that matter innocent. Jesus Christ was not sent
to them; the
atonement was not made for them; nor the Bible given to them;
and therefore the
Christian religion, was not meant for them. If the Great
Spirit had intended
that the Indians should be Christians, he would have
made his revelation
to them, as well as to the white men. Not having done
so, it was clearly
his will that they should continue in the faith of
their fathers. He
said that the red man was of a totally different race,
and needed an
entirely different religion, and that it was idle as well as
unkind, to try to
alter their religion, and give them ours.
"I asked him
to point out the difference of the races, contending that
they were one, and
needed but one religion, and that Christianity was that
religion, which
Christ intended for, and ordered to be preached, to all
men. He had no distinct
views of the nature of Christianity as a method of
salvation, and
denied the need of it. As to the unity of the races, I
asked if he ever
knew two distinct races, even of the lower animals to
propagate their
seed from generation to generation. But do not Indians and
white men do so? He
allowed it; but denied that it proved the matter in
hand. I pressed the
points of resemblance in every thing but color, and
that in the case of
the Christian Indians there was a common mind on
religion. He
finally waived this part of the debate, by saying that one
thing was certain,
whatever else was not, that white men had a great love
for Indian women,
and left their traces behind them wherever they could!
"On the point
of needing pardon, from being wicked, he said the Indians
were _good_ till
the white man corrupted them. But did not the Indians
have _some_
wickedness _before_ that? 'Not so much.' And how was
_that_ regarded by
the Great Spirit?--Would he forgive it? He hoped
so, 'did not know.'
Jesus, I rejoined, came to tell us He would, and to
get that pardon for
us.
"As to
suffering and death among the Indians, did not they prove that the
Great Spirit was
angry with _them_, as well as with white men? Would
he thus treat men
that were _good_? He said they were not wicked
before white men
came to their country, and taught them to be so. But they
_died before that_?
And why did they die, if the Great Spirit was not
angry, and they
wicked? He could not say, and in reply to my explanation
of the gospel
doctrine of the entrance of death by sin, he again turned
the subject by
saying he was a 'great doctor,' and could cure any thing
but death.
"The
interpreter had incidentally mentioned that the reason the chiefs had
to go home so soon,
was that they always _sacrificed a white dog on the
death of a great
man_. I turned this fact to the account of the
argument, and
endeavored to connect it with, and explain by it the
doctrine of
atonement, by the blood of Christ, and also pressed him on the
questions, how can
this _please_ the Great Spirit on _your_ plan?
Why do you offer
such a _sacrifice_, for so it is considered? And
_where_ they got
such a rite from? He attempted no definite reply.
Many other topics
were talked over. But these specimens suffice to
illustrate his
views, and mode of thinking.
"At the close
of the conversation he proposed giving me a _name_, that
henceforth I might
be numbered among his friends, and admitted to the
intercourse and
regards of the nation. Supposing this not amiss, I
consented. But
before he proceeded he called for some whiskey. He was at
this time an
intemperate man, and though perfectly sober on that occasion,
evidently displayed
toward the close of the interview, the need of
stimulus, which it
is hardly necessary to say, we carefully kept from him.
But he _insisted_
now, and after some time a small portion was sent to
him in the bottom
of a decanter. He looked at it, shook it, and with a
sneer said, 'why
here is not whiskey enough for a name to float in.' But
no movement being
made to get more, he drank it off, and proceeded with a
sort of pagan
orgies, to give me a name. It seemed a semi-civil, semi-
religious ceremony.
He walked around me again and again, muttering sounds
which the
interpreter did not venture to explain; and laying his hand on
me pronounced me
'Con-go-gu-wah,' and instantly, with great apparent
delight, took me by
the hand as a brother. I felt badly during the scene,
but it was beyond
recall, and supposing it might be useful in a future
day, submitted to
the initiation.
"Red Jacket
was in appearance nearly sixty years old at this time. He had
a weather-beaten
look; age had done something to produce this, probably
intemperance more.
But still his general appearance was striking, and his
face noble. His
lofty and capacious forehead, his piercing black eye, his
gently curved lips,
and slightly aquiline nose, all marked a great man,
and as sustained
and expressed by his dignified air, made a deep
impression on every
one that saw him. All these features became doubly
expressive when his
mind and body were set in motion by the effort of
speaking, if effort
that may be called which flowed like a free, full
stream from his
lips. I saw him in the wane of life, and I heard him only
in private, and
through a stupid, careless interpreter. Yet
notwithstanding
these disadvantages, he was one of the greatest men and
most eloquent
orators I ever knew. His cadence was measured and yet very
musical. In
ordinary utterance it amounted to a sort of musical monotony.
But when excited he
would spring to his feet, elevate his head, expand his
arms and utter with
indescribable effect of manner and tone, some of his
noblest thoughts.
"After this
interesting conference had closed, the old chief with his
interpreter, bade
us a very civil and kind farewell, and set forth on foot
for his own wigwam.
"It was four
years after this before I had the pleasure of again seeing my
old friend. I was
then on a flying visit to Black Rock. At an early day I
repaired to his
village, but he was not at home. Ten days after, as we
were just leaving
the shore in the steamboat to go up the lake, he
suddenly presented
himself. It was unhappily too late to return. He hailed
me by name, and
pointed with much animation to such parts of his person as
were decorated with
some red cloth which I at parting had presented to
him, and which,
though not worn as a jacket, was with much taste
distributed over
his person. These he exhibited as proofs of his friendly
recollection.
"The last time
I ever saw him was at the close of Mr. Adams'
administration. He,
with a new interpreter (Major Berry having been
removed by death),
had been on a visit to his old friend, Co-na-shus-tah,
then Secretary of
War. After spending some time at the capital, where I
often met him, and
had the horror to see his dignity often laid in the
dust, by excessive
drunkenness, he paid me by invitation a final visit at
Baltimore, on his
way home. He took only time enough to dine. He looked
dejected and
forlorn. He and his interpreter had each a suit of common
infantry uniform,
and a sword as common, which he said had been presented
to him at the war
department. He was evidently ashamed of them. I confess
I was too. But I
forbear. He was then sober and serious. He drank hard
cider, which was
the strongest drink I could conscientiously offer him, so
I told him. He said
it was enough. I said but little to him of religion,
urged him to
prepare to meet the Great Spirit, and recommended him to go
to Jesus for all he
needed. He took it kindly, said he should see me no
more, and was going
to his people to die. So it was, not long after this,
he was called to
his last account."
Col. Stone
represents the testimony of Dr. Breckenridge as corresponding
with hundreds of
others, who confess their inability to do the orator
justice. He laments
"his inability to make even an approach to justice, as
to the language,
and figures in which Red Jacket clothed his thoughts, and
by which he
illustrated and enforced them."
At another time the
benefits of Christianity and the advantages of
civilization, being
urged by a benevolent gentleman on Red Jacket's
attention, he made
use of the following language: "As to civilization
among the white
people, I believe it is a good thing, and that it was so
ordered they should
get their living in that manner. I believe in a God,
and that it was
ordered by Him that we, the red people, should get our
living in a
different way, namely: from the wild game of the woods, and
the fishes of the
waters. I believe in the Great Spirit who created the
heavens and the
earth. He peopled the forests, and the air and the waters.
He then created man
and placed him as the superior animal of this
creation, and
designed him as governor over all other created beings on
earth. He created
man differing from all other animals. He created the red
man, the white, the
black and the yellow. All these he created for wise
but inscrutable
purposes."
Reasoning from
analogy and from the different varieties of the same
species, and the
different species under one genus, among all other
animals, he pointed
out their different modes of living, and the different
designs of the
Creator, that appeared to be evinced with respect to them.
He then proceeded:
"This being
so, what proof have we that he did not make a similar
arrangement with
the human species, when we find so vast, so various, and
so irreconcilable a
variety among them, causing them to live differently,
and to pursue
different occupations.
"As to
religion, we all ought to have it. We should adore and worship our
Creator, for his
great favor in placing us over all his works. If we
cannot with the
same fluency of speech, and in the same flowing language,
worship as you do,
we have our mode of adoring, which we do with a sincere
heart; then can you
say that our prayers and thanksgivings, proceeding
from grateful
hearts, and sincere minds are less acceptable to the Great
God of the heavens
and the earth, though manifested either by speaking,
dancing, or
feasting, than yours, uttered in your own manner and style?"
[Footnote: As
quoted by Col. Stone from MS collections of Joseph W.
Moulton.]
CHAPTER XX.
Personal
characteristics--Interview with General Lafayette--Visit of a
French
Nobleman--Col. Pickering reproved--Address on launching a schooner
bearing his
name--Anecdote of Red Jacket and Capt. Jones--His humor--
Strong memory--Its
cultivation--Contempt for pretension without merit--
Love for the
sublime--Portraits--Acute perception--Refined sense of
propriety--First
bridge at Niagara Falls--Loss of his children--Care for
his people.
A prominent
characteristic of Red Jacket's mind, was self esteem, which
led him to be quite
tenacious of his own opinion. He probably did not
underrate his own
ability. He felt conscious of possessing talents, which
would enable him to
act with dignity and propriety, in any emergency
calling for their
exercise. He never appeared to be intimidated or
embarrassed at the
thought of meeting with great men, but seemed always to
be at home in their
society, and to feel and act as though he regarded
himself on an
equality with them. This was evident in his interview with
General Lafayette,
in 1825.
On being presented
to the general, the orator inquired if he recollected
being present, at
the treaty of peace with the Six Nations at Fort
Stanwix, in 1784.
Lafayette replied that he remembered that great council
very well. "And
what," said he, "has become of the young chief, who
resisted so
strenuously and eloquently on that occasion, the idea of the
Indians' burying
the hatchet?"
"_He is before
you_," was the instant reply. Upon which the general
remarked, that time
had wrought very great changes upon them both since
that memorable
period. "Ah!" said Red Jacket, "time has not been so severe
on you, as it has
on me. It has left you a fresh countenance, and hair to
cover your head;
while to me,--behold!"--And taking a handkerchief from
his head, with an
air of much feeling, he disclosed the fact that he was
nearly bald.
Several persons present could not refrain from smiling at the
simplicity of the
Indian, who appeared ignorant of the way the white man,
was wont to repair
the ravages of age in this respect. His simplicity was
enlightened by the
fact, that the general was indebted to a wig, for his
generous supply of
hair. Whereupon the orator playfully remarked,
referring to the
practice of his people in war, that it had not occurred
to him before, that
he might supply the deficiency by _scalping_ some of
his neighbors. M.
Lavasseur, the secretary of General Lafayette, remarks
of the orator's
appearance at that time. "This extraordinary man, although
much worn down by
time and intemperance, preserves yet in a surprising
degree, the
exercise of all his faculties. He obstinately refuses to speak
any language, but
that of his own people, and affects a great dislike to
all others.
Although it is easy to discern, that he perfectly understands
the English. He
refused nevertheless, to reply to the general before his
interpreter had
translated his questions into the Seneca language."
[Footnote: See
Drake, Col. Stone and others.]
A few Indian words,
which the general had picked up during his previous
visit to this
country, on being repeated by him to the orator, gratified
him exceedingly,
and appeared to increase very much his regard for
Lafayette.
Red Jacket appeared
always to be gratified by attentions received from
distinguished
characters. Yet even to enjoy their society, he would not
compromise his own
dignity. It is said that "about the year 1820, a young
French nobleman,
who was making the tour of the United States, visited the
town of Buffalo.
Hearing of the fame of Red Jacket, and learning that his
residence was but
seven miles distant, he sent him word, that he was
desirous to see
him, adding a request that the chief would visit him in
Buffalo the next
day. Red Jacket received the message with contempt, and
replied: 'Tell the
_young man_ that if he wishes to see the _old
chief_, he may find
him with his nation, where other strangers pay their
respects to him;
and Red Jacket will be glad to see him.'
"The count
sent back his mesenger to say he was fatigued with his journey,
and could not go to
the Seneca village; that he had come all the way from
France, to see the
great orator of the Senecas, and after having put
himself to so much
trouble, to see so distinguished a man, the latter
could not refuse to
meet him at Buffalo.
"'Tell him,'
said the sarcastic chief, 'It is very strange he should come
so far to see me,
and then stop within seven miles of my lodge.' The
retort was richly
merited. The count visited him at his wigwam, and then
Red Jacket accepted
an invitation to dine with him, at his lodgings at
Buffalo.
"The young
nobleman was greatly pleased with him, declaring that he
considered him a
greater wonder than the falls of Niagara. This remark was
the more striking
as it was made within view of the great cataract. But it
was just. He who
made the world, and filled it with wonders, has declared
man to be the
crowning work of the whole Creation." [Footnote: McKenney's
Indian Biography.]
On one occasion at
a treaty attended by Colonel Pickering, Red Jacket
observed that the
attention of the colonel, who was in the habit of taking
down, as they were
interpreted, the Indian speeches made, was withdrawn
from himself, and
his eye directed to the paper on which he was writing.
Red Jacket paused.
The colonel desired him to proceed. "No," said the
orator, "not
when you hold down your head." "Why can you not go on while I
write?"
"Because," replied the chief, "if you look me in the eye, you
will
then perceive if I
tell you the truth or not." [Footnote: Col. Stone.]
On another
occasion, Colonel Pickering turned, while the orator was
addressing him to
speak to a person near. The chief thereupon rebuked him,
saying with much
emphasis, "When a Seneca speaks he ought to be listened
to with attention,
from one extremity of this great island to the other."
[Footnote: Ib.]
Toward the close of
his life he was present by invitation, at the
launching of a
schooner at Black Rock, bearing his name. He made a short
address on the
occasion which indicates the estimation in which he
regarded his own
merit. In the course of his speech, addressing himself
directly to the
vessel, he said: "You have a great name given you, strive
to deserve it. Be
brave and daring. Go boldly into the great lakes, and
fear neither the
swift winds, nor the strong waves. Be not frightened nor
overcome by them,
for it is by resisting storms and tempests, that I,
whose name you
bear, obtained my renown. Let my great example inspire you
to courage, and
lead you to glory." [Footnote: Col. Stone.]
Also late in life,
when at one of the hotels in Auburn, N. Y., observing a
person whom he
thought did not treat him with proper deference, he came
and stood before
him and stamping his foot on the floor, exclaimed with
much emphasis,
"_I am Red Jacket!_" [Footnote: Incident given to the
author by J. C.
Ivison, Esq., of Auburn.]
He did not relish
being trifled with even in playfulness.
"At one time when
visiting the house of Captain Jones, on taking his seat
at the breakfast
table with the family, Mrs. Jones, knowing his extreme
fondness for sugar,
mischieviously prepared his coffee without the
addition of that
luxury. On discovering the cheat, the chief looked at the
captain with an
offended expression, and thus rebuked him: 'My son,'
stirring his cup
with energy, 'Do you allow your squaw thus to trifle with
your father?'
Perceiving at the same time, by the giggling of the
children, that they
had entered into the joke, he continued, 'And do you
allow your children
to make sport of their chief?' Jones and his wife
thereupon
apologized, and the latter made the _amende honorable_, by
handing him the
sugar-bowl, which he took, and with half angry sarcasm
filled the cup to
the brim, with sugar. The liquid not holding so large a
quantity in
solution, he ate the whole with his spoon." [Footnote: Col.
Stone.]
Still he enjoyed a
laugh when he was making the sport. He was very
entertaining in
conversation, and would sometimes in the presence of his
associates, relax
his dignity, and for a time, when he felt in the mood,
keep them in a roar
of laughter, by his anecdotes, or by taking off
something
ludicrous, he had observed among the whites. When he had carried
it sufficiently
far, he would draw himself up, and resume his dignity,
when by common
consent, the sport would cease. [Footnote: Wm. Jones, to
the author.]
He very often
entertained his people also, by recounting his interviews
with distinguished
persons, or by describing what he had seen in great
places.
One conversant with
him thus speaks of the manner in which he represented
to his people, what
he had seen during his visit at the seat of
government. "I
remember having seen him on one of those occasions, when,
after having seated
the Indians around him in a semi-circle, taking the
cocked hat that had
been presented to him by General Knox, then Secretary
of War, in his
hand, he went round bowing to the Indians, as though they
were the company at
the president's house, and himself the president. He
would then repeat
to one and another all the compliments which he chose to
suppose the
president had bestowed upon him, and which his auditors and
admiring people,
supposed had been thus bestowed." [Footnote: Thomas
Morris to Col.
Stone.]
Red Jacket had a
very _tenacious memory_. The Indians were noted for
the care they
bestowed on this faculty of the mind. In the absence of
written records,
they formed a device, which was quite ingenious, and
indicated a high
degree of intelligence, by which they perpetuated the
knowledge of
important events, in their history. They used belts, and
strings of wampum.
For instance, they
are assembled to form some important treaty. This
_treaty_ would be represented
by the _belt_. Each string in that
belt would
represent a distinct article, or provision in that treaty. As
they fixed their
eye upon the belt, they knew it as well as though it had
been labelled. As
they took hold of each string, they could as it were,
read each article
of the treaty. For the preservation of these belts they
had what were
termed their council-houses, where they were hung up in
order, and
preserved with great care. At times they were reviewed. The
father would go
over them, and tell the meaning of each belt and of each
string in the belt
to the son, and thus the knowledge of all their
important events,
was transmitted from one generation to another.
Red Jacket, without
any doubt excelled all of his race, in the perfection
to which he had
brought this faculty of his mind. Nothing escaped the
tenacious grasp of
his memory.
The following is an
instance in point. At a council held with the Indians
by Gov. Tompkins of
New York, a contest arose between him and Red Jacket
in regard to a fact
connected with a treaty of many years' standing. Mr.
Tompkins stated one
thing, and the Indian chief corrected him, insisting
that the reverse of
his assertion was true. "But" it was rejoined: "you
have
forgotten." We have it written down on paper. "The paper then tells a
lie," was the
confident answer; "I have it written down here;" he added,
placing his hand
with great dignity on his brow. "You Yankees are born
with a feather
between your fingers, but your paper does not speak the
truth. The Indian
keeps his knowledge here. This is the book the Great
Spirit gave them;
it does not lie." A reference was immediately made to
the treaty in
question, when to the astonishment of all present, and the
triumph of the
unlettered statesman, the document confirmed every word he
had uttered.
[Footnote: McKenney's Indian Biography.]
He held in utter
contempt _pretensions_ without _merit_. "On one
occasion not many
years before his death, a gentleman from Albany, on a
visit at Buffalo,
being desirous of seeing the chief, sent a message to
that effect. The
gentleman was affluent in money and in words, the latter
flowing forth with
great rapidity, and in an inverse ratio to his ideas.
He had also a habit
of approaching very near to any person with whom he
was conversing, and
chattering with almost unapproachable volubility. On
receiving the
message, Red Jacket dressed himself with the utmost care,
designing, as he
ever did when sober, to make the most imposing
impression, and
came over to the village.
"Being
introduced to the stranger, he soon measured his intellectual
capacity, and made
no effort to suppress his disappointment, which was
indeed sufficiently
disclosed in his features. After listening, for a few
moments to the
chatter of the gentleman, Red Jacket with a look of mingled
chagrin and
contempt, approached close to him and exclaimed, 'cha, cha,
cha,' as rapidly as
utterance would allow. Then drawing himself to his
full height, he
turned proudly upon his heel, and walked away in the
direction of his
own domicil, _as straight as an Indian_, nor deigned to
look behind while
in sight of the tavern. The gentleman with more money
than brains, was for
once lost in astonishment, and longer motionless and
silent than he had
ever been before." [Footnote: Col. Stone.]
He held the mere
sensualist in equal contempt. "Many years ago, before the
Indian towns were
broken up along the valley of the Genesee, a clan of the
Senecas resided at
Canawangus, in the vicinity of the present town of
Avon. The chief of
the clan was a good, easy man, named Hot Bread. He was
a hereditary
sachem, not having risen by merit, was weak and inefficient,
and of gluttonous
habits. On a certain occasion, when Mr. George Hosmer
was accompanying
Red Jacket to an Indian council, in the course of general
conversation he
inquired the chief's opinion of Hot Bread. 'Waugh!'
exclaimed Red
Jacket: 'He has a little place at Canawangus, big enough for
him. _Big man
here_,' laying his left hand on his abdomen, '_But very
small here_,'
bringing the palm of his right hand _with significant_
emphasis to his
forehead." [Footnote: Ib.]
He loved to hold
communion with the sublime and grand in nature. He never
wearied when
viewing the falls of Niagara, and their roar, the baritone of
nature's anthem,
stirred within, depths that other harmonies failed to
reach. When Mr.
Catlin, the celebrated Indian portrait painter, desired to
obtain the orator's
picture, his consent was given, but he must be
represented as
standing on Table Rock, "for," said he, "when I pass to the
other world, my
spirit will come back, and that is the place around which
it will
linger." [Footnote: Catim's North American Indians.]
The artist
gratified the orator, and represents him as standing there in
the attitude of
deep thought, dressed with much care in complete Indian
costume, a very
interesting memorial, presenting evident marks of being
one of nature's
noblemen.
Since then Red
Jacket has gone to his grave, and this rock where he often
stood and feasted
his soul on sublimities unrivalled in nature, has
likewise fallen,
while the world, like the impetuous flood, rolls on
unconscious of
both.
Of the various
paintings of Red Jacket, Col. Stone remarks, "The picture
by Mr. Robert W.
Weir, taken in 1828, at the request of Doctor John W.
Francis of New
York, is of far the highest order of merit, and has become
the standard
likeness of the last of the Seneca orators." To this is
subjoined the
following description from the pen of Doctor Francis, of the
orator's appearance
on the occasion,
"For this
purpose he dressed himself in the costume which he deemed most
appropriate to his
character, decorated with his brilliant overcovering
and belt, his
tomahawk, and Washington medal.
"For the whole
period of nearly two hours, on four or five successive
days, he was as
punctual to the arrangements of the artist, as any
individual could
be. He chose a large arm chair for his convenience, while
his interpreter, as
well as himself, was occupied for the most part in
surveying the
various objects, which decorated the artist's room. He had a
party of several
Senecas with him, who, adopting the horizontal position,
in different parts
of the room, regaled themselves with the fumes of
tobacco, to their
utmost gratification. Red Jacket occasionally united in
this relaxation;
but was so deeply absorbed in attention to the work of
the painter, as to
think, perhaps, of no other subject. At times he
manifested extreme
pleasure, as the outlines of the picture were filled
up. The drawing of
his costume, which he seemed to prize, as peculiarly
appropriate, and
the falls of Niagara, scenery at no great distance from
his residence at
the reservation, forced him to an indistinct utterance of
satisfaction. When
his medal appeared complete in the picture, he
addressed his
interpreter, accompanied by striking gestures; and when his
noble front was
finished, he sprang upon his feet with great alacrity, and
seizing the artist
by the hand, exclaimed with great energy, 'Good! Good!'
The painting being
finished, he parted with Mr. Weir with a satisfaction
apparently equal to
that which he doubtless, on some occasions had felt,
on effecting an
Indian treaty. Red Jacket must have been beyond his
seventieth year
when the painting was made. He exhibited in his
countenance,
somewhat of the traces of time and trial, on his
constitution.
Nevertheless he was of a tall, erect form, and walked with a
firm gait. His
characteristics are preserved by the artist to admiration;
and his majestic
front exhibits an attitude surpassing every other, that I
have ever seen of
the human skull. As a specimen for the craniologist, Red
Jacket need not
yield his pretensions to those of the most astute
philosopher. He
will long live by the painting of Weir, the poetry of
Halleck, and the
fame of his own deeds."
Red Jacket had a
quick and acute perception, he was very adroit. He at one
time exposed the
false pretenses of Jemima Wilkinson by arranging it with
a few Indians to
converse in her presence, in a manner that excited her
curiosity. The ruse
was successful, she anxiously inquired what they were
talking about?
Turning upon her a searching glance, he exclaimed, "What!
Are you Jesus
Christ? and not know Indian?"
Though unacquainted
with the usages of society, in the refined circles
where he often
appeared, he readily adapted himself to the new position,
and conducted with
propriety and ease, careful to conceal his ignorance at
the time. Mr.
Thomas Morris in a letter to Colonel Stone, observes: "He
once on his return
from Philadelphia, told me that when there he perceived
many things, the
meaning of which he did not understand, but he would not
make inquiry
concerning them there, because they would be imputed to his
ignorance. He
therefore determined on his return to ask me.
"He said when
he dined at General Washington's, a man stood all the time
behind his chair,
and would, every now and then run off with his plate,
and knife and fork,
which he would immediately replace by others. 'Now,'
said Red Jacket,
'what was this for?' I replied that he must have observed
on the president's
table a variety of dishes, that each dish was cooked in
a different manner,
and that the plates and knives and forks of the
guests, were
changed as often as they were helped from a different dish.
'Ah!' said he, 'is
that it?' I replied in the affirmative. 'You must then
suppose,' he
continued, 'that the plates, and knives, and forks, retain
the taste of the
cookery?' Yes, I replied. 'Have you then,' he added, 'any
method by which you
can change your palates every time you change your
plates? For I
should suppose that the taste would remain on the palate
longer than on the
plate?' I replied that we were in the habit of washing
that away by
drinking wine. 'Ah!' said he, 'now I understand it. I was
persuaded that so
general a custom among you was founded in reason, and I
only regret that
when I was in Philadelphia I did not understand it; when
dining with General
Washington and your father. The moment the man went
off with my plate I
would have drunk wine until he brought me another; for
although I am fond
of eating, I am more so of drinking.'" [Footnote: Col.
Stone's Life of Red
Jacket.]
It has been well
observed of him, "He had an innate refinement and grace
of manner, that
stamped him the true gentleman, because with him these
virtues were inborn,
and not simulated or acquired." [Footnote: W. C.
Bryant's Memorial
Address.]
On one occasion
when Mr. George Hosmer of Avon, and several others of his
tribe, were on
their way to attend a certain treaty, the Indians one
evening after the
fatigues of the day, were unusually mirthful. Red Jacket
conceiving the idea
that Mr. Hosmer, who was unacquainted with their
language might
suppose he was the subject of their mirth, caused them to
be silent, and
through his interpreter, Captain Parrish, thus addressed
him.
"We have been
made uncomfortable by the storm; we are now warm and
comfortable, it has
caused us to feel cheerful and merry. But I hope our
friend who is
traveling with us will not feel hurt at this merriment, or
suppose that we are
taking advantage of his ignorance of our language, to
make him in any
manner the subject of our mirth."
To which Mr. Hosmer
replied, that knowing himself to be in the company of
brave and honorable
men, he could not allow himself to entertain such an
impression. After
which they resumed their merriment, and Red Jacket his
gravity. [Footnote:
Col. Stone.]
The first efforts
to construct a bridge at Niagara Falls was unsuccessful.
It was supposed the
force of the water where it flowed smoothly, would not
be as great as
where it dashed against the rocks and appeared more
boisterous. This
was a mistake. Every endeavor to fix a bent where the
water was smooth,
proved utterly abortive. At length an architect
conceived the idea
of placing the bridge, down where the water began to be
broken in its
descent, and of obtaining a foot-hold for his bent, behind
some rock against
which the water dashed. This resulted in the successful
completion of a
bridge, leading to Goat Island. After its completion, Red
Jacket, in company
with General Porter, was passing over it one day, when
the chief, whose
curiosity was excited, examined minutely every part of
its construction,
evidently regarding it, as a great wonder. At length
discovering the
secret, he exclaimed, "_Ugh! still water_!" and
immediately added,
"_d--n Yankee_." [Footnote: Given to the author by T.
M. Howell, Esq., of
Canandaigua, N. Y.]
Red Jacket was not
a stranger to _tender and refined sensibilities_.
William Savary in
his Journal, while attending the Indian treaty held at
Canandaigua in
1794, speaks of the children of Red Jacket in terms of high
commendation. Most
of them died of consumption, "in the dew of their
youth."
On one occasion,
when visiting an aged lady of his acquaintance near Avon,
who from early life
had been more or less familiar with his history, she
inquired of him, if
any of his children were still living? Fixing his eyes
upon her, with a
sorrowful expression, he replied:
"Red Jacket
was once a great man, and in favor with the Great Spirit. He
was a lofty pine
among the smaller trees of the forest. But after years of
glory he degraded
himself, by drinking the firewater of the white man. The
Great Spirit has
looked upon him in anger, and his lightning has stripped
the pine of its
branches." [Footnote: Related to Col. Stone by Mrs. George
Hosmer of Avon.]
Some four or five
years before his death, three brothers, named Thayer,
were executed at
Buffalo for the crime of murder. The occasion was
unusual, and
multitudes of both sexes, from the surrounding region,
flocked to witness
the unhappy spectacle.
On the day of the
execution, Red Jacket was met by Judge Walden, of
Buffalo, wending
his way from the town to his home. The judge inquired
where he was going?
At the same time expressing his surprise that he did
not go with the
multitudes, flocking to witness the spectacle. His answer
was brief;
"Fools enough there already. Battle, is the place to see men
die."
The reply was a
merited rebuke to the desire so prevalent, to witness
these awful sights.
[Footnote: Mrs. George Hosmer to Col. Stone.]
Red Jacket ever
cherished a watchful regard over the interests of his
people, and was
always ready to speak in their behalf.
At the trial of an
Indian for burglary, himself and other chiefs were
present to render
any aid in their power, to their brother in bonds. The
prisoner was found
guilty of having broken into a house and stolen a few
silver spoons. The
crime of petit larceny, was thus merged in the greater
one of burglary.
At a fitting
opportunity Red Jacket arose and spoke eloquently in his
brother's defense;
urging the independence of his nation, the existence
among them of laws
for the punishment of theft, and boldly demanding the
surrender of the
prisoner, assuring the court that the prisoner should be
tried by these
laws, and suffer the penalty they demanded. His effort
though regarded as
able and brilliant, did not avail to rescue the
prisoner from the
white man, whose sentence in the case being for burglary
instead of theft,
Red Jacket regarded as unnecessarily severe.
When the
proceedings were over, Red Jacket, who happened to be standing
with a group of
lawyers, took the following method of expressing his
dissatisfaction.
Beholding on the
sign of a printing office near by, an emblematic
representation in
large figures and characters, of Liberty and Justice; he
asked in broken
English, pointing to one of them, "_What-him-call?_"
It was answered,
_Liberty_. "Ugh!" was his significant and truly
aboriginal
response. Pointing then to the other figure, he inquired,
"_What_-HIM-call?"
It was answered, JUSTICE. Whereupon his eye
kindling with
animation, he asked with evident emotion, "WHERE-HIM-LIVE-
NOW?"
[Footnote: Geo. Hosmer, Esq., to Col. Stone.]
If the sincerity of
Red Jacket's regard for the welfare of his people was
ever questioned, it
was by those who knew not his inner self. In guarding
the interests of
his people, he was in the habit of closely watching
strangers, not
only, but even his own friends.
Owing to slanderous
reports that had been circulated, he at one time began
to suspect that his
friend Captain Jones, was actuated by motives of self-
interest, and did
not property regard the interest of the Indians.
Jones soon after
met Red Jacket with his usual cordiality of manner, but
was received with
evident marks of coldness and distrust. "After the lapse
of a few minutes,
during which time the questions of Jones were answered
in monosylables,
the captain asked an explanation of the orator's conduct.
Fixing his
searching glance upon him, as if reading the secrets of his
soul, Red Jacket
told him of the rumor circulated, in reference to his
fidelity to the
Indians, and concluded by saying with a saddened
expression, 'And
have _you_ at last deserted us?' The look, the tone, the
attitude of the
orator, were so touching, so despairing, that Jones,
though made of
stern materials, wept like a child; at the same time
refuting the calumny
in the most energetic terms. Convinced that Jones was
still true, the
chief, forgetful of the stoicism of his race, mingled his
tears with those of
Jones, and embracing him with the cordiality of old,
the reconciled
parties renewed old friendship over a social glass."
[Footnote: W. H. C.
Hosmer to Col. Stone.]
CHAPTER XXI
Views at the close
of life--Incident--His life work--Unfavorable
influences--Advance
of the Christian party--Conversion of Red Jacket's
wife--He leaves
her--His return--Red Jacket deposed--Journey to Washington
--His
restoration--Rapid decline--Regards his end as near--Talks with his
people--Endeavors
to unite them.
With the views
entertained by Red Jacket, the objects that met him on
every side, as he
drew near the close of life, were far from pleasant.
Yonder hillside,
exposed to the gaze of the world, its huge rocks laid
bare; those fields,
stretching further than eye could reach, bounded not
by woodland, lake,
or river, but by the white man's fence; ten thousand
dwellings, smiling
with the abundance and thrift of the husbandman, city
and village,
bustling with tumult, and the noise of busy hammers, and
rattling wheels,
and roaring engines; all of these however gratifying to
the white man, as
marks of improvement, afforded him no pleasure. He saw
in them the
sepulcher of his people's pride and glory.
The hillside opened
to the sunlight, for the innocent lamb to sport upon,
or to make the
stable ox a home, he would have loved better, as when
sheltered once by
the sturdy oak or stately pine, its rocks jutting out
from behind the
ivy, and its bosom threaded by the path of the deer. The
fields might have
appeared inviting and green, but the white man's barrier
would have warned
him away, the road he would have looked upon as a
prisoned path, and
he would have taken to the woods, as a place more
congenial to his
spirit.
It is said of him
"that in the days of his youth he was wont to join the
hunters in the
beautiful valley of the Genesee, with great enthusiasm.
Game was then
plenty, and they were the finest hunting grounds, he could
traverse. Toward
the close of his life he went thither to indulge once
more, in the
pleasures of the chase, where a forest apparently of
considerable
extent, yet remained. He entered it, recognizing some of his
ancient friends
among the more venerable of the trees, and hoping yet to
find abundant game.
But he had not proceeded far before he approached an
opening; and his
course was presently impeded by a fence, within the
enclosure of which,
one of the pale faces was guiding the plow. With a
heavy heart he
turned in another direction, the forest seeming yet to be
deep, and where he
hoped to find a deer, as in the days when he was young.
But he had not
traveled long, before another opening broke upon his view,
another fence
impeded his course, and another cultivated field appeared
within. He sat down
and wept." [Footnote: Circumstances related to Col.
Stone by a Seneca
chief.]
It has been well
observed: "The whole life of the Seneca chief was spent
in vain endeavors
to preserve the independence of his tribe, and in active
opposition as well
to the plans of civilization proposed by the
benevolent, as to
the attempts at encroachment on the part of the
mercenary.... He
yielded nothing to persuasion, to bribery, or to menace,
and never to his
last hour remitted his exertions, in what he regarded the
noblest purpose of
his life." [Footnote: McKenney's Biography.]
But at the close of
life, Red Jacket began to realize more than ever the
power of those
forces bearing down upon him, to resist which he had
summoned all the
energies he could command. His people, notwithstanding
his efforts, were
constantly brought by the encroachments of the whites,
into a narrower
compass, and the religion and customs of the whites
continued to gain
ground, and threatened to supercede the time honored
usages of his
fathers.
Intoxicating drinks
also, the bane of the Indian race, wrought sad havoc
among his people,
and had well nigh ruined himself. His influence was thus
effectually
crippled, and his opposition to Christianity, and the efforts
of the whites to
obtain their land, carried much less weight, than at an
earlier period of
his life. He saw and felt this, and in view of it, was
much cast down.
His opposition to
Christianity, is said to have been much encouraged by
wicked and
designing men among the whites, who feared that the presence of
missionaries among
the Indians, would interfere with their unworthy and
base designs.
But his decision
when formed, as already intimated, was consistently and
perseveringly
maintained. He narrowly watched every proceeding, gathered
around him such as
would be controlled by his influence, or example, and
inculcated in them
those sentiments of steadfastness, in the religion of
their fathers, so
strikingly manifested in his own conduct.
After various
discouragements and reverses, the missionary was at length
established among
his people, and the adherents of Red Jacket, which at
first were the most
numerous, by degrees diminished, until finally those
friendly to
Christianity, outnumbered the others. Red Jacket's people one
by one, became
interested in the religion the missionary had come to
teach. The schools
established began to be well attended, several chiefs
embraced the new
religion; some of them were men of influence and carried
with them many
others. Finally in 1826, Red Jacket's wife became
interested on the
subject of religion, attended the meetings of the
Christians, was led
to abandon the pagan worship, she formerly attended,
altogether, and
giving evidences of piety, proposed to unite with the
mission church,
under the care of the Rev. Mr. Harris.
Before uniting, she
laid the subject before Red Jacket and desired his
consent. This he
utterly refused, and threatened in case she did so, to
leave her and never
visit her again. Her trial in view of this refusal,
she referred to Mr.
Harris, who kindly endeavored to show her what the law
of Christianity
demanded, that it required her to obey God, rather than
man; that though
her course might subject her to trial, she had the
promise of the
grace of Christ to help her, and that in the end it might
promote her good.
Still he committed the matter wholly to her own
conscience,
advising her to pursue the course that might thus be
indicated, and
leave the event in the hands of God.
After deliberating
for a time she united with the church, and Red Jacket,
true to his threat,
left her and went to another reservation. She bore his
displeasure with a
meek and Christian spirit, remained at home with her
family, and
conducted discreetly, pursuing as before the duties of her
household.
Red Jacket after a
few months' absence returned, desiring to be welcomed
again by his wife,
who received him on condition of his not interfering
with her, in her
religious views, or attendance on the meetings of the
mission. To this he
gave his assent, and was ever afterward faithful in
observing his
pledge; not opposing, but aiding her in performing,
according to her
desire, her religious obligations.
A division was now
apparent among the Senecas, in regard to religion.
There was a
Christian, and a Pagan party. The former led by Young King,
Captain Pollard,
and others; the latter recognized Red Jacket as its
ruling spirit.
The opposition he
had so long exerted, began to be regarded with
impatience. As the
Christian party advanced and became more numerous, they
were unwilling to
submit to the dictation of the orator. They began to
feel that in his
opposition to the education and improvement of his
people, he was
acting the part of an enemy, and not a friend.
His habits of
intemperance also, having greatly lessened their esteem,
they became
unwilling he should longer hold the commanding position he had
enjoyed, and so
well adorned, in the earlier part of his life. At a
council held in
September, 1827, a paper was drawn up, containing charges
against the orator,
which were assigned as a reason for the extraordinary
course they
pursued, closing with the declaration, that they renounced him
as their chief, and
forbade him to act as one, affirming that he should
thereafter be
regarded as a private man.
This proceeding
stung the orator to the quick, and aroused him to action,
He could not endure
the thought of the humiliation thus brought upon him,
at the close of
life. The thought too, that it had been effected by those
who differed from
him, in their religious sentiments, and would be
regarded as a
triumph over him, touching the views he had long
entertained, as to
what would best promote the welfare of his people,
affected him in a
point so near his heart, as to forbid his resting under
it.
"It shall not
be said," thought he, "that Sa-go-ye-wat-ha, lived in
insignificance, and
died in disgrace. Am I not yet strong? Have I not yet
power to withstand
my enemies?"
He set out for
Washington, to spread his griefs before his great Father.
On arriving there
he visited Colonel McKenney, who had charge of Indian
affairs. That
officer had been informed, through the Indian agent, of all
that had transpired
among the Senecas, and of the cause of their
displeasing Red
Jacket.
When the customary
salutations were over, Red Jacket remarked through his
interpreter,
"I have a talk for my Father." "Tell him," said Colonel
McKenney, "I
have one for him. I will make it, and will then listen to
him." The
colonel then proceeded to give a minute history of all that had
recently
transpired, and dwelt upon the various causes that had operated
in producing the
rupture, that had taken place. He pointed out to him the
course he ought to
have pursued, that he should have manifested a spirit
of forbearance, and
allowed the Christian party the same liberty in the
exercise of their
sentiments, which he demanded for himself; and that this
course would have
saved him the mortification he now experienced, in being
expelled from
office and power.
During this
conversation Red Jacket never took his keen and searching eye
from the speaker,
but at its close turned to the interpreter, and pointing
in the direction of
his home and people, said, "_Our Father has got a
long eye._"
He then proceeded
to vindicate himself and his cause, not forgetting to
pour upon the Black
coats plentiful effusions of wrath. The colonel
advised him to
return to his people, convene a council and come to a
better
understanding with them, by allowing those among them who desired
to do so, to become
Christians, while himself and those who thought like
him, might claim
the privilege of following unmolested, the faith of their
fathers. [Footnote:
Col. McKenney's Indian Biography.]
About one month had
passed since Red Jacket's deposition. In the mean time
Red Jacket had been
very active in going from one reservation to another,
and sparing no
pains, in gathering a Great Council, from those belonging
to the Six Nations.
Another council was
convened, much larger than the former, composed of
members from other
reservations, belonging to the Iroquois confederacy. It
assembled at the
upper council-house of the Seneca village near Buffalo.
At the opening of
the council, the paper declaring the orator's deposition
was read. Half
Town, a Seneca chief of the Cattaraugus reservation then
arose, and said
there was but one voice in his nation, and that was of
general indignation
at the contumely cast on so great a man as Red Jacket.
The council was
then addressed by several other chiefs very much to the
same effect. After
which the condemned orator arose slowly, as if grieved
and humiliated, but
yet with his ancient air of command.
"My
Brothers:" said he, after a solemn pause, "You have this day been
correctly informed
of an attempt to make me sit down, and throw off the
authority of a
chief, by twenty-six misguided chiefs of my nation. You
have heard the
statements of my associates in council, and their
explanations of the
foolish charges brought against me. I have taken the
legal and proper
way to meet these charges. It is the only way in which I
could notice them.
Charges which I despise, and which nothing would induce
me to notice, but
the concern which many respected chiefs of my nation,
feel in the
character of their aged comrade. Were it otherwise I should
not be before you.
I would fold my arms, and sit quietly under these
ridiculous
slanders.
"The Christian
party have not even proceeded legally to put me down." He
then made some
artful observations on the origin of the attack made upon
him. He laid open
its history step by step. He dwelt upon the various
circumstances
connected with the introduction of Christianity among them.
He alluded to the
course taken by the Christians as ruinous and
disgraceful,
especially in their abandonment of the religion of their
fathers, and their
sacrifices, and of the lands given them by the Great
Spirit, for paltry
considerations. As for the _Black coats_, Mr.
Calhoun had told
him at Washington four years before, that the Indians
must treat with
them as they thought proper; the government would not
interfere. "I
will not consent," said he, sagaciously identifying his
disgrace with his
opposition to the Christians, "I will not consent
silently to be
trampled under foot. As long as I can raise my voice, I
will oppose such
measures. As long as I can stand in my moccasins, I will
do all I can for my
nation. Ah! it grieves my heart, when I look around me
and see the
situation of my people, in old times united and powerful, now
divided and feeble.
I feel sorry for my nation. Many years have I guided
my people. When I
am gone to the other world, when the Great Spirit calls
me away, who among
them can take my place?" [Footnote: Thatcher's Indian
Biography.]
No adequate account
of this speech has been preserved. It is said he spoke
three hours in his
own defense; that it was a masterly effort, and equal
to the speeches he
used to make in his palmiest days. [Footnote:
Conversation of the
author with Wm. Jones, Seneca chief.]
Though greatly
dilapidated in his powers by intemperance, he was
thoroughly aroused
on this occasion, and the eloquence, pathos, and fire
of a former day,
shed around him the luster of a superior mind, and his
people for the
time, forgot and forgave his delinquencies, and by
unanimous consent,
reinstated him in office and power.
Thus by means of
one more great exertion of this wonderful faculty, by
which he controlled
the minds of his people, they were led to reverse the
decision that had
been made against him, and though he stood among them
but the blasted
trunk of that tree, which, in its full and luxuriant
prime, cast a deep
and mellowing shade over their closing history, and
invested it still
with the appearance of strength; they resolved he should
yet wear the title,
that better befitted him in other days, though it
served but slightly
to hide the deformity, wrought in his noble nature, by
the demon of
intemperance.
With this speech
the public career of Red Jacket is closed. The effort he
made on this
occasion, added to his exertions previous to the gathering of
the council, was
too great for his aged and enfeebled condition. After
this he declined
very rapidly, and seemed to realize that his end was
drawing near. He
often adverted to this event, but always in language of
philosophic
calmness.
In view of it he
visited successively all of his most intimate friends, at
their cabins, and
talked with them in the most impressive and affecting
manner. He told
them that he was passing away, and his counsels would soon
be heard no more.
He ran over the history of his people, from the most
remote period to
which his knowledge extended, and pointed out as few
could, the wrongs,
the privations, and the loss of character, which almost
of themselves
constituted that history. "I am about to leave you," said
he, "and when
I am gone, and my warnings shall be no longer heard, or
regarded, the craft
and avarice of the white man will prevail. Many
winters have I
breasted the storm, but I am an aged tree, I can stand no
longer. My leaves
are fallen, my branches are withered, and I am shaken by
every breeze. Soon
my aged trunk will be prostrate, and the foot of the
exulting foe of the
Indian, may be placed upon it in safety; for I leave
none who will be
able to avenge such an indignity. Think not I mourn for
myself. I go to
join the spirits of my fathers, where age cannot come; but
my heart fails,
when I think of my people, who are soon to be scattered
and
forgotten."
Many noticed that
his feelings at this time were greatly modified and
mellowed, with
respect to the stand he had taken against Christianity. His
wife's example, who
was a woman of humble, consistent piety, exerted a
salutary, and happy
influence upon him. It led him to regard Christianity
more favorably, and
to recede very much from the hostile position he had
previously
maintained. He talked of peace, and sought to bring about a
reconciliation
between the two parties. He convened a council with this in
view. He made
special preparations to attend it, dressing himself with
more than ordinary
care, with all his gay apparel and ornaments. He went
with the intention
of making what would have been his farewell speech, and
giving them his
last counsel.
He was taken
suddenly ill at the Council-house, of cholera morbus and
returned home,
saying to his wife, "I am sick; I could not stay at the
council, I shall
never recover."
He then took off
his rich costume, and laid it carefully away, reclined
upon his couch, and
did not rise again till morning. His wife prepared him
medicine, which he
took, but said, "it will do no good. I shall die."
The next day he
called his wife and the little girl he loved so much,
requested them to
sit beside him and listen to his parting words.
Addressing his
wife, he said: "I am going to die, I shall never again
leave this house
alive. I wish to thank you for your kindness to me. You
have loved me. You
have always prepared my food, and taken care of my
clothes, and been
patient with me. I am sorry I ever treated you unkindly.
I am sorry I left
you, because of your new religion. I am convinced it is
a good religion,
and has made you a better woman, and wish you to
persevere in it. I
should like to live longer for your sake. I meant to
build you a new
house, and make you more comfortable, but it is now too
late."
Addressing his
daughter, he said; "I hope my daughter will remember what I
have so often told
her, not to go in the streets with strangers, or
associate with
improper persons. She must stay with her mother, and grow
up a respectable
woman."
He said again:
"When I am dead, it will be noised abroad through all the
world, they will
hear of it across the great waters, and say, Red Jacket
the great orator is
dead. And white men will come and ask you for my body.
They will wish to
bury me. But do not let them take me. Clothe me in my
simplest dress, put
on my leggins and my moccasins, and hang the cross I
have worn so long,
around my neck, and let it lie upon my bosom. Then bury
me among my people.
Neither do I wish to be buried with Pagan rites. I
wish the ceremonies
to be as you like, according to the customs of your
new religion, if
you choose. Your minister says the dead will rise.
Perhaps they will.
If they do, I wish to rise with my old comrades. I do
not wish to rise
among pale faces. I wish to be surrounded by red men. Do
not make a feast
according to the customs of the Indians. Whenever my
friends chose, they
could come and feast with me, when I was well, and I
do not wish those
who have never eaten with me in my cabin, to surfeit at
my funeral
feast."
When he had
finished he laid down on his couch and did not rise again. He
lived several days
but was most of the time in a stupor, or else
delirious. He often
asked for Mr. Harris, the missionary, and would
afterward
unconsciously mutter: "I do not hate him. He thinks I hate him,
but I do not, I
would not hurt him." The missionary was sent for
repeatedly, but was
from home at the time, and did not return till after
the chief's death.
When the messenger
told him Mr. Harris had not come, he replied: "Very
well, the Great
Spirit will order it as he sees best, whether I shall
speak with him or
not." [Footnote: Conversation of the author with Wm.
Jones, Seneca
chief, and sketch of Red Jacket in "The Iroquois." The
account of the
orator's closing hours given in this work, is more full,
but in perfect
accord with the statements made to the author by Mr.
Jones.] Again he
would murmur: "He accused me of being a snake, and trying
to bite somebody.
This was true, and I wish to make satisfaction."
The cross he wore
was a very rich one of stones set in gold, and large; by
whom it was given,
his friends never knew. This is all the ornament he
requested to have
buried with him.
It was customary
among the Indians to make funeral feasts. No family was
so poor as not thus
to honor the dead. If all they possessed was a cow, it
was slaughtered for
the occasion. Red Jacket desired nothing of this kind.
A pagan funeral for
a distinguished person is a pompous affair, and lasts
for ten days. Every
night a fire is kindled at the grave, and around it
the mourners
gather, and utter piteous wails.
The wife and
daughter were the only ones to whom he spoke parting words,
or gave a parting
blessing. As his last hour drew nigh, his family all
gathered around
him, but the children were not his own, they were step-
children, his own
were all sleeping in the churchyard, where he was soon
to be laid.
His step-children
he always loved and cherished, their mother had taught
them to love and
honor him. The wife sat by his pillow and rested her hand
on his head. At his
feet stood the two sons, now aged and Christian men,
and by his side the
little girl, whose hand rested on his withered and
trembling palm. His
last words were still, "Where is the missionary?" He
then clasped the
child to his bosom, while she was sobbing in anguish, her
ears caught his
hurried breathing, his arms relaxed their hold, she looked
up, he was gone.
There was mourning
in the household, there was great mourning among the
people. The orator,
the man of matchless gifts, of surpassing eloquence
was no more; and
there were none to fill his place.
Red Jacket desired
after his death, a vial of cold water might be placed
in his hand. His
reason for this his friends did not understand. Red
Jacket felt that
intemperance had been the bane of his life. Possibly from
this conviction he
may have desired to be accompanied in his journey to
the spirit-land, by
the beverage of which his better judgment most
approved.
The arrangements of
his funeral Red Jacket committed to his wife's son-in-
law Wm. Jones. His
friends, who belonged mostly to the Christian party,
chose to have at
his funeral the simple and appropriate services of that
religion. It was
largely attended by his own race, and by the whites
living in that
vicinity. He was buried in the mission burying ground,
where were reposing
many of his race, the aged and young, warrior, sachem,
child.
His death was at
his residence near the church and mission-house at Seneca
village on the 20th
of January, 1830.
INDEX.
Adano
Albany
Alden, Pres.
Alien's Hist.
Angelica, N. Y.
Atotarho
Au Glaize
Avon Springs
Bayard, Wm.
Beaver Creek
Beekman, John J.
Berry, Major
Big Tree
Bloomfield
Boyd, Capt. John
Braddock, Gen.
Brant
Breckenridge, Rev.
John
Bryant, W. C.
Buffalo
Buffalo Creek
Burbeck, Maj.
Butler, Col.
Calhoun, M.
Cameron, Charles
Canandaigua
Canandaigua Lake
Canaseraga
Canawangus
Caneadea
Canoga
Carlton, Sir Benj.
Catlin, Mr.
Cayugas
Chapin, Maj.
Chapman, Mrs.
Charlevoix
Chemung
Cherokees
Chippewas
Cincinnati
Clark, Major
Claus, Col.
Clinton, Gov.
Codding, Mr.
Colquhoun
Con-neh-sauty
Cornplanter
Crane, Mr.
Cummings, Maj.
Cunadesaga
Cusick, David
Cuyler, Abraham
Cuylerville
Dansville
Darke, Col.
Dearborn, Gen.
Delafield, Maj.
Joseph
Dionderoga
Delaware
Detroit
Detroit River
Dorchester, Lord
Drake
Drummond, Gen.
Durham Conn.
Dwight, Dr.
Elk Hunter
Ellicott, Mr.
Farmer's Brother
Ferguson, Major
Fish Carrier
Fleming, Col.
Fort Du Quesne
Fort Hamilton
Fort Harmar
Fort Hunter
Fort Jefferson
Fort Niagara
Fort Put
Fort Plain
Fort Recovery
Fort Schlosser
Fort Stanwix
Fort Washington
Francis, John W.
Franklin, Doctor
Franklin, W. T.
Fraser, Donald
Ga-kwa-dia
Gansevoort, Gen.
Garangula
Gardeau
Genesee County
Genesee Falls
Genesee
Geneva
German Flats
Gibson, H. B.
Glen, Henry
Gorham, Nath.
Granger, Erastus
Greenville
Greig, John
Grey, John
Half Town
Harding, Col.
Harmar, Gen.
Harris, Rev. M.
Harrison, Gov.
Hartford, Conn.
Hendrick, King
Herkimer, Gen.
Hickox, J. H.
Hill, Capt. David
Honandaganius
Hornby, John
Hosmer, Geo.
Hosmer, W. H. C.
Howell, T. M.
Hubbard, Nehemiah
Hudson, John
Hull, Gen.
Hurons
Iroquois
Ivison, J. C.
Jackson, Gen.
Jennison, Mary
Jessup, Major
Johnson, Henry
Johnson, Sir Wm.
Johnson, Sir John
Johnson, Col. Guy
Johnstone, John
Jones, Capt.
Horatio, II
Jones, J. H.
Jones, Col. W.
Ken de-wah
Kickapoos
Knox, Gen.
Lafayette, Gen.
Lake Erie
Lake Ontario
Lavasseur, M.
Lee, Arthur
Legionville
Lewis, Gen.
Lincoln, Gen. Benj.
Little Billy
Logan
Mackinaw
Matthews, Col.
McKee, Col.
McKenney
Miamis
Miami Rapids
Middletown, Conn.
Miller, M. S.
Mills, Samuel
Morris, Robert
Morris, Thomas
Moultan, J. W.
Mount Morris
Muskingum
Nellis
New Connecticut
New York Genesee
Land Co.
Nevada, Iowa
Newtown, N. Y.
Niagara
Niagara Genesee Co.
Nunda
O'Bail, Henry
Ogden, Col. Aaron
Oldham, Col.
Oneidas
Onondagas
Oriskany
Oswegatchie
Oswego
Oswego Falls
Otitiana
Ottawas
Painted Post
Parker, Jim
Parks, Mrs.
Parrish, Joseph
Parrish, John
Parrish, O.
Penn
Perry, Com.
Phelps, O.
Pickering, Col.
Pittsburg
Pollard, Gen.
Porter, Augustus
Porter, Gen.
Porter, Peter B.
Potawatamies
Presque Isle
Proctor, Col.
Pultney, Sir Wm.
Pyrlaus
Quebec
Randolph, Beverly
Ripley, Gen.
Rochester
Sacs
Sanborne, Mrs.
Savary, William
Schoolcraft, II
Scott, Gen.
Schuyler, Peter
Schuyler, Gen.
Senecas
Seneca Castle
Seneca Lake
Shawanese
Shepard, Wm.
Shikellemus
Simcoe, Gov.
Skenandoah
Smith, Joseph
Sperry, Mr.
Sprague, Ashhael
Squaky Hill
St. Clair, Gen.
St. Joseph's River
St. Leger, Col.
St. Mary's River
Stone, Col.
Street, A. B.
Sullivan, Gen.
Ten Broeck, Abraham
Tioga Point
Tompkins, Gov.
Tracy, Albert
Turner
Van Buren, Mr.
Vischer, Matthew
Wadsworth, James
Wadsworth, Jeremiah
Walden, Judge
Warren, Sir Peter
Wayne, Gen. Anthony
Weir, Robert W.
West,
Wilkinson, Jemima
Williamson
Wolcott, Oliver
Wood, Major
Wyandots
Yates, A.
Yates, P. W.
Yates, Robert
Young King